Kant와 Wittgenstein의 批判哲學

嚴廷植(Jungsik Um) 한국철학회 1984 哲學 Vol.21 No.-

국가, 시장, 시민사회의 변화와 민군관계 : 공군 서울공항 사례

엄정식 ( Jungsik Um ) 공군사관학교 2016 공사논문집 Vol.67 No.2

This article aimed the explanation of changes in civil-military relations in the case of the Seoul airport. More exactly, this article dealt with why conflicts among a state, the market, and civil society occurred, and how changes of a state, the market, civil society affected on civil-military relations in the case of Seoul airport. The case of Seoul airport in the narrow perspectives was related with conflicts between the Air Force and the Community, but it was related with the fundamental changes of a state, the market, and civil society in the wider perspectives. Moreover, its changes have affected our society and national security environments, such as the rapid democratization since 1980s, the dissolution of the Cold War structure since 1990s, the ease of tensions between South and North Korea since 2000s., in Korea. In this course, it was a positive side that a state(military), the market, civil society recognized mutual roles and positions, shared information. However, there was a negative side which alternatives for attacking other positions had made, group actions had taken priority, should be need to revise. In order to accomplish a revision, military should not avoid the contact with the market actors and civil society and should not only depend on the central administration. It is proper time that military makes an active effort to respond to localization trends in Korea.

이스라엘 무인항공기 활용전략과 정치군사적 함의

엄정식 ( Jungsik Um ) 공군사관학교 2016 공사논문집 Vol.67 No.1

This study analysed the Israel’s UAV operational strategy and recommended political and military implications for South Korea. First, Korea government differ from Israel in that Israel has used UAV progressively at various battle fields but Korea government has not yet developed military doctrine to guide an integrated battle operation in terms of Jointness despite increasing demand on UAV operations. Second, in case of Korea, it is an important to military preparations for security environments and battle situations rather than technologic aims of large UAV and long range operations.

우주 발사 시스템의 사이버 안보

엄정식(Jungsik Um) 항공우주시스템공학회 2024 항공우주시스템공학회 학술대회 발표집 Vol.2024 No.10

박정희 정부의 차기전투기(F-X) 사업과 카터 행정부의 무기이전 정책

엄정식(Jungsik Um) 한국국제정치학회 2016 국제정치논총 Vol.56 No.1

This article analyzed how the arms transfer policy as the Carter Administration’s global strategy applied to the ‘First’ F-X project in Korea, and how the Park Chung Hee’s government respond to the US policy. This article explained the history of ‘First’ F-X project for the first time, and studied decisions and interactions regarding these topics between the Korea and the US based on first-hand documents and interviews of decision-makers. As the result of this study, there are some implications for Korea government as below. First, The reasons the Park Chung Hee’s government could carry through coproduction flighter on the ‘First’ F-X project during 1970’s were the long-term plans to secure the flight production capability independently and the development of defense industry. Equally, these plans and supports for the future F-X project in Korea are very important to enhance self-defense capability. Second, the political factors such as the political reliability toward the US, the perception of US politics and opinions regarding Korea, Korea’s strategic value in East Asia region involved Korea-Japan relations as well as military factors are important to the US arms transfer policy now.

미국의 무기이전 억제정책에 대한 박정희 정부의 미사일 개발전략

엄정식(UM Jungsik) 한국국제정치학회 2013 국제정치논총 Vol.53 No.1

This article analyzed president Park Chung Hee’s missile development in 1970s which was embroiled in the controversy of missile range agreement between Korea and the US through first-hand documents and interviews of decision-makers. And it studied the strategy of president Park for developing the first surface-to-surface missile (Baekgom) against the Carter administration’s Arms Transfer Restraint Policy. As the result of this study, there are some implications for Korea government as below. First, Korea government can establish the three specific plans (the strategic concealment, the complementary deal, the diversification of technical know-how introduction) for developing smart weapons in the future. Second, regardless of the growth of Korea defense industry, it is a still important for willingness of the top decision-maker to develop the smart weapon even today. Third, it is also necessary for researchers who have a sense of duty to work hard, because we can not make a book on success. As it was confirmed at the strategy of Baekgom missile development, the US is a structural restriction actor as well as a strategic negotiation partner with us.

2030년대 안보환경의 전망과 한국 공군의 항공·우주력 발전방향

엄정식 ( Um Jungsik ),전기석 ( Jeon Ki Seok ),이상수 ( Lee Sangsoo ) 미래군사학회 2017 한국군사학논총 Vol.6 No.2

The purpose of this paper is to present the direction of the Republic of Korea Air Force's air and space power construction in the context of the security environment in 2030. First, this research looks at changes in the political, social and military circumstances of the world in the future. In this regard, the analysis of the environment of the Korean Peninsula has been conducted. Second, this suggests several policies for future of the Republic of Korea Air Force based on earlier analysis. This paper pays attention to the gradual rise in the number of non-state actors in the world and multipolarization of international regime from now on. In particular, the possibility of global disputes is likely to increase due to the presence of emerging powers such as China and India, and the dwindling influence of the United States. The situation which Republic of Korea and North Korea face will be regarded as the main security issues in the region with the possibility of global disputes as mentioned earlier. The social environment is expected to influence the expansion of the individual's authority in politics and the influence of population statistics. With the development of middle class growth, education, technology and health care, aging populations, globalization, and urbanization are expected to intensify. The military environment will intensify the shift in strategy and resource competition on the Asian and Korean peninsula and diversify the ways of the war. Also, the military technology to support it will be beyond imagination and the possibility of international conflicts. Furthermore, damage will beyond our imagination as military technology develop. Based on theses changing environment, this study suggests several policies for the Republic of Korea Air Force’ air and space power construction in 2030. ① Building independent operational capability for Wartime operational control transfer. ② Establishment of independent missile defense system including Kill Chain, KAMD, KMPR. ③ Acquisition next-generation fighter such as F-35A. ④ Enforcement of Airborne Early Warning and Control and Acquisition Aerial Tanker. ⑤ Increasing C4ISR capabilities especially in the area of air and space power. ⑥ Enforcement of unmanned aerial vehicle system, UAV. ⑦ Enhancement of cyber warfare and electronic warefare capabilities. ⑧ Enhancement of global power projection such as long-range transport planes for PKO etc. ⑨ Reorganization of Air Force structure and personnel structure suitable for future operations.

비트겐슈타인 국제 심포지움

嚴廷植(Jungsik Um) 한국철학회 1989 철학 Vol.30 No.-

1970년대 미중 데탕트와 남북공동성명

엄정식(Jungsik Um) 신아시아연구소(구 신아세아질서연구회) 2022 신아세아 Vol.29 No.2

내년이면 7.4 남북공동성명이 발표된 지 50년이 되어가지만, 남북대화 원형으로서 7.4 남북공동성명 연구는 한반도 분단구조와 성격을 이해하는데 여전히 중요한 의미를 갖는다. 이 글은 1970년대 동북아 데탕트 국면에서 남북한 사이에 7.4 남북공동성명이 도출된 정치외교사적 과정을 국제체제와 남북관계 변화, 한미관계와 국내체제의 대응을 중심으로 살펴본다. 7.4 남북공동성명의 씨앗은 동북아 데탕트에 이은 한반도 미니데탕트에 대한 강대국의 기대였다. 하지만 이것만으로 남북대화가 가능했던 것은 아니다. 급변하는 대외환경 속에서 남한과 북한의 당국자들의 정세인식과 판단도 중요했다. 박정희 정부는 미국의 대한반도 정책에 호응하면서도 현상유지 의지가 강했으며, 통일에 대한 단계적 접근을 우선했다. 반면 북한은 동북아 데탕트를 사회주의 국가들과 자국에게 유리한 국제정세로 판단했으며 현상타파 의지가 강했다. 게다가 미중관계 개선의 과정에서 한국이 미국과 갈등을 보인 것과 달리 북한은 중국과 매우 긴밀하게 협력했다. 결과적으로 7.4 남북공동성명은 북한의 현상타파 의지와 남한의 현상유지 의지가 남북대화라는 틀에서 경쟁한 결과였다. 이런 점에서 7.4 남북공동성명의 역사적 과정은 오늘날 남북관계에도 다음과 같은 함의를 갖는다. 첫째, 국제체제의 변화가 추동한 남북관계의 한계로서, 미국의 외교정책이 갖는 능력과 의지의 불일치 문제이다. 둘째, 대외환경 변화가 추동하기 이전에 남북한이 주도하는 통일정책이나 협상전략이 마련되지 않았다는 문제이다. 셋째, 남북관계와 국제관계 뿐 아니라 국내정치와도 서로 분리될 수 없다는 문제이다. Next year will mark 50 years since the 7.4 Inter-Korean Joint Communique was issued. The Joint Communique remains the prototype for Inter-Korean dialogue and retains important meaning in understanding the structure and nature of the Korean Peninsula. This study focuses on the political and diplomatic processes that produced the 7.4 Inter-Korean joint statement, focusing on the international system, changes in inter-Korean relations, South Korea-US relations, and the domestic system. The seeds of the 7.4 Inter-Korean Joint Communique were in the expectations of the great powers for the Korean Peninsula following detente in Northeast Asia. This alone did not enable inter-Korean dialogue. The perceptions and judgments of South and North Korean officials were also important in the rapidly changing international environment. While responding to US policy on the Korean Peninsula, the Park Chung-hee administration had a strong will to maintain the status quo and prioritized a phased approach to reunification. North Korea judged detente in Northeast Asia as favorable to socialist countries and itself, and was determined to change the status quo. In addition, unlike South Korea which clashed with the US amidst improving US-China relations, North Korea cooperated closely with China. Thus, the 7.4 Inter-Korean Joint Communique was the product of tensions created by North Korea's willingness to change the status quo and South Korea's preference to maintain the status quo subsumed within the framework of inter-Korean dialogue. The historical process of the 7.4 Inter-Korean Joint Communique has the following implications for contemporary inter-Korean relations. First, in an evolving international system, limits on inter-Korean relations reflect the discrepancy between the capabilities and will of US foreign policy. Second, no unification policy or negotiation strategy led by the two Koreas was prepared before the change in the international environment was triggered. Third, this issue cannot be separated from domestic politics as well as inter-Korean and international relations.

구 내외부 온도 변화에 의한 고랭지배추 원격 생육 진단

엄정식(Jungsik Um),김기덕(Kideog Kim),서종택(Jongtaek Suh),김창석(Changseok Kim),지삼녀(Samnyu Jee) 한국원예학회 2023 한국원예학회 학술발표요지 Vol.2023 No.5