중공지도체제별 대외정책변화 연구

배영희 한국국민윤리학회 1984 倫理硏究 Vol.17 No.1

This study was undertaken to discuss the changes of foreign policies by the political leaderships in the Communist China. Over the past 30 years, they have hold the PRC's National Congress five times and there has been great change in the foreign policies of each system of the elected teaders through the Congress, thereby keeping the move into alignment with the western countries. This kind of great change has got a close relation with the viewpoints of international political order, while the basic principles of Chinese foreign policies have been based upon the theory of the Third World. In this study the attempts were made to study the change in the viewpoints of international order and to discuss the trends of diplomatic political leadership. Even though they has emphasized the continuity rather than change in the PRC's foreign relations since 1949, the analyzed results of this study shows the strategic continuity as well as the tactical change in those relations. The factors related to the continuity in the PRC's foreign policies could be rearded as (l) the support of the revolutionary struggles and the construction of the united forces in the countries of the Third World, (2) five principles of peaceful coexistence with other countries, (3) the maintenance of the revolutionary struggles of the peoples in the Second World, and (4) the proletarian internationalism. The tactical changes in the PRC's foreign policies in conformity with the internal and external environmental situations are as follows: (1) the changes in the viewpoints of international policies, (2) the changes in the concepts of comrades and/or enemies for the world political behaviorers, and (3) the changes in the diplomatic concerns with the First, Second, and Third World. The present PRC's political leadership insists for the improvement of diplomatic relationships that the United States should stop selling the arms to Taiwan and the Soviet Union should abandon the hegemonism in the close areas to the Communist China, and Japan should give up the attempts of rearmanent. In conclusion, the PRC's relationships with foreign countries of the United States, the Soviet Union and Japan might be depended upon the solution of the above-mentioned prerequisites and PRC would try to keep the positions of leading country to the Third World, and maintain every friendly relations with the Second World for socialistic modernization as long as the PRC's political leaders should stick to their pragmatistic ideals.

肪胱破製

裵英姬 이화여자대학교 간호과학대학 1967 이화간호학회지 Vol.- No.2

現代中共革命에 對한 評價

裵英熙 韓國體育大學校 1979 論文集 Vol.1 No.-

A series of revolutionary upheavals in contemporary China have been caused by needs for "Reconstruction of Man and Society" as Mao Tse-Tung pointed out earlier. Under the growing pressure, Communist China has undergone traumatic trials: the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution (1966-1968), the Anti-Lin Piao and Confucius Campaign (1973-74), and the purge of the so-called Gang of Four. In this regard, this paper attempts to review the process of the three movements and evaluate their causes and effects, along with resources derived from such mass movements in China. Chapter I is an introduction, which shows, among others, the importance of evaluating the revolutionary turmoils in connection with power struggles underway in China. Chapter Ⅱ considers several views on the characteristics of the Chinese revolutions as presented by Louis Gottschalk, Charles Tilly and George Sawyer Pettee. Chapter Ⅲ deals with Mao's theory of "continuous revolution" and makes a review of the causes, processes and resources of the three movements. Finally, Chapter Ⅳ gives a summary and an evaluation of the present revolutionary movements in Communist China.

中共의 對韓政策 變化推移

裵英熙 韓國體育大學校 1986 論文集 Vol.9 No.-

「유로 커뮤니즘」의 脫蘇 傾向 分析

裵英熙 韓國體育大學校 1981 論文集 Vol.3 No.-

The notion that Eurocommunism was the wave of the future disappeared after the French elections of June 1979, the Spanish elections of the March 1979, and Italian elections of June 1979. All three major "Eurocommunist" parties fared poorly with the electorate, when strong showings at the polls might have propelled them to the threshold of power. Then, in January 1980, the entente among the French, Italian, and Spanish Communist parties was broken when the French Communist retreated toward Moscow. Bulking large among these differences is the special relationship each party has or has had with the Soviet Union. Although these relationships have become so varied in character that we may no longer grant ourselves the intellectual convenience of supposing that a Communist Party must be firmly anchored under Moscow's thumb, neither can one deduce the opposite-that western parties are making linear progress toward adoption of the domestic and foreign policies of Western-Style social democracy. The French Communist Party has made its move toward Moscow with at least two principal aims: to encourage the Socialists to renounce the plan of a left coalition and seek allies to their right, and to raise the spirits and tighten the discipline of Communist militants by first drawing universal press criticism and then requiring that all party members rally in defense of the party because it is under general attack. It certainly seems that domestic political considerations rather than pressure from Moscow have been the determining factors in French Communist Party policy. The Italian Communist Party and the Spanish Communist Party have over the last two decades become increasingly disillusioned with the Soviet Union-a development which was accelerated by the Czechoslovakian crisis of 1968. Still, Soviet military power commands respect, and if a clever and resourceful group took over from Brezhnev and company in the USSR in the mid-1980's, it could restore Soviet prestige in the world Communist Movement. Another 15 years of dull dogmatism, on the other hand, could further widen existing gulfs, especially if Moscow makes demands the more advanced autonomists cannot accept.

소아당뇨

배영희 연세대학교 생활과학대학 1982 婦學 Vol.15 No.-

"中·蘇의 對아프리카 外交政策 比較 分析

裵英熙 韓國體育大學校 1985 論文集 Vol.7 No.-

非同盟運動의 發展推移에 關한 硏究

裵英熙 韓國體育大學校 1981 論文集 Vol.3 No.-

It has met every three years since the loose and diverse political grouping of Third World States formally launched at Belgrade in 1961 (except for 1967) to debate and proclaim its views on world issues. The Intention of the Movement's founders has been to form an association which, while acknowledging their diversity and differences of opinion on many issues, united them in pursuit of two crucial objectives. The first objective was the formation of a buffer of "non-aligned" States in opposition to external pressures to take sides in the Cold War. The second was the creation of international political leverage to hasten the decolonization process which remained. The Choice of Cuba as host for the sixth summit, and therefore as chairman of the nonaligned nations until 1982, symbolized another change in the movement - The dramatic shift to the left in its political center of gravity. When the World's leading neutralists banded together in 1961, their principal aim was to ease international tensions and, hopefully, preserve the peace of the world. by 1979, the priorities of the movement has shifted to the issues of decolonization and international economics - issues on which neutrality toward the Bloc proved to be move formal than real. In addition, the evolution of the movement has increased its internal conflicts. The increase in its membership (now 95 in number) has made the movement more heterogeneous, and the grawth in its influence has made its decisions more weighty. Both have served to strain to the limits the tradition of decision - making by consensus. However, the movement's most serious internal tensions have resulted from its radicalization. From the Outset, the nonaligned movement included both radical and moderate wings. In its first decade, the nonaligned movement's politics were defined by the Cold War conflict between East and West ; in its second decade, its politics were defined largely by the members' grievances against the West alone. In Havana, the nonaligned nations brought to the summit no less a question than how to define the future course of their movement and as the movement enters its third decade, its politics and politics will both of the world's power blocs that is more complex than that which characterized the movement's first two decades.

떡류

배영희 대한영양사회 1998 國民營養 Vol.197 No.-

한국음식점에 대한 외국인의 기호도 인지도 및 고객 만족도

배영희,진린쟈오 한국외식경영학회 2003 외식경영연구 Vol.6 No.2

이 연구는 외국에 있는 한국음식점에 대한 외국인의 기호도, 인지도, 고객만족도를 알아보기 위해 미국 내 5개의 식당에서 185명의 고객을 대상으로 한국음식점에서의 식사 기호도를 설문지를 이용하여 실시되었다. 외국인들은 한국음식점에서의 가장 높은 기호도는 맛이라 평가하였으며 테이블 서비스와 Dirve-in 서비스를 선호했다. 한극음식메뉴에서 가장 선호하는 메뉴는 grilled beef이고, 가장 좋아하는 식재료도 쇠고기를 이용한 음식이었다. 또한 조리방법은 grilling > sizzling > frying > steamint > boiling > baking 의 순서였다. 반 이상의 응답자들은 한국음식점을 한국친구 또는 동료에 의해 알게 되었으며, 한국친구나 동료가 있다는 것은 한국음식을 이해하는데 유의적으로 큰 영향을 주었다. 외국인들은 한국음식점의 서비스 음식의 양, 가격과 위생에는 만족하지만 이해하기 어려운 메뉴, 종업원의 서투른 영어로 인한 대화곤란, 그리고 환경에 대해서는 유의적으로 불만족을 나타냈다.