일본의 첨단 기술력과 군사력 : 정보통신기술과 우주항공기술을 중심으로 Case Studies of Information and Communications Technology and Aerospace Technology

박한규 한국전략문제연구소 2001 전략연구 Vol.8 No.1

This study seeks to illuminate the relationship between high technology and military power in Japan's security policy in the post-Cold War era. Especially, it makes an effort to understand how the idea of technonationalism, which has been embedded in Japan's political and economic institutions since the Meiji Restoration, is adopted in the development of information and communication technology and Aerospace technology that have become crucial elements in the contemporary warfare. In the post-Cold War period, Japan's security policy is at a crossroad. While Japan had adopted risk-minimization strategy during the postwar period, it had restrained itself from being involved in international political and security affairs. However, Japan's passive security policy had been much criticized by the United States and Western European countries in that Japan was not willing to contribute enough to the maintenance of the current world political and economic order in which Japan has benefited most. At the same time, there also appeared strong domestic pressure for enlarging Japan's international security role in correspondence with its changed position in the international system. While being faced with demands for enlarged security role home and abroad, Japan has made important policies which aimed at strengthening its military capabilities. In 1995, the Japanese Government announced a renewed defense policy lines including "New Outline of Defense Plan," and "Mid-Tenn Plan for Defense Build-up." The most crucial element of the Japan's renewed security policy was as follows: Japan will pursue rationalization, effectiveness, compactness of the size and function of Self-Defense Forces(SDF) in response with evolving international security environment in the future. That is to say, the Japanese Government decided that while it would downsize SDF, it would maintain and acquire a high of defense capabilities through introducing and adopting high technology to military power. Japan's decision toward high-technology-based military power seems to be rational choice in the Japanese context. By downsizing the SDF, Japan can reduce significantly concerns from neighboring countries about Japan's military power. At the same time, Japan can maintain a high-level military preparedness to cope with new security threats in the post-Cold War period. The possibility that Japan will become a super military power in the future seems to be high if one considers the characteristics of future war. Since the Gulf War of 1991, many security and military experts predict that the result of the future war totally depends on information and communication technology and aerospace technology. Such characteristics of the future war gives many advantages to Japan which already possesses high technological capability in the fields of semiconductor, new materials, information and communications, computer, aerospace, etc. Japan has now the most advanced level of dual-use technology which can be easily converted to military purpose. If Japan would decide to covert those dual-use technologies to enhance its military power, Japan can become a military superpower in a short period of time. Japan has made every effort to develop indigenous technology in the information and communication field and aerospace field with a massive sum of financial investment. Japan could meet its needs for advanced jet fighters and satellites much cheaper through direct purchase from foreign countries such as the United States. However, Japan chose to develop indigenous technologies by paying an enormous amount of loyalties to foreign countries. Japan did so because it has pursued economic development and enhancement of national security through indigenization of. foreign technologies based on the ideology of technonationalism. Japan has succeeded in developing advanced aerospace technology independently. Japan has now become one of the most advanced countries in the satellite and rocket industries: It has now H-2 rocket capability, which is tantamount to the advanced rocket capabilities of the United States and Europe. It also produces one of the most advanced jet fighters called F-2. At the same time, based on its advanced technology in information and communication industry, Japan is pursuing an ambitious plan of "Information RMA"(Revolution in Military Affairs) and military cooperation with the United States in the Initiative of "Theater Missile Defense" in East Asia, which requires the most advanced technologies in the information and communication and rocket fields. Japan now become military-technology superpower to the extent that it has transferred to the United States the most advanced military technology such as semiconductor, rocket engine, stealth, missile seeker, etc. As of 1995, Japan is the second largest country in the world in terms of defense expenditure. When Japan completes its Mid-Term Plan of Defense Build-up 1996-2000, it will maintain capacities that can perform military operations in the extended area including the Korean Peninsula and protect its sea-lanes in Southeast Asia. Japan will improve very significantly not only its national security but also its international security role in the changing international security environment in the near future thorough high-techology-based military power.

국제 핵비확산 압력과 일본의 플루토늄 이용정책

박한규(Hahnkyu Park) 한국국제정치학회 1998 國際政治論叢 Vol.37 No.3

21세기 새로운 고등교육의 패러다임

박한규(Hahnkyu Park) 경희대학교 인류사회재건연구원 2016 OUGHTOPIA Vol.31 No.2

본 연구의 목적은 지구적 문제 해결을 위한 대학의 사회적 책임과 지구적 연대 가능성을 살펴보는 데 있다. 빈곤, 기아, 질병, 기후변화 등과 같은 지구적 문제를 해결하는 데 있어 지구시민사회의 역할이 주목받고 있다. 지구시민사회에 관한 기존연구들은 NGO, 시민사회, 기업 등에 초점이 맞추어 왔으나, 지구시민사회의 주요 일원으로서의 대학에 대한 연구는 매우 미흡했다. 근대 이후 대학은 교육, 연구, 봉사를 3대 사명으로 삼고, 사적 이익 추구가 아니라 사회 전체를 위한 공공선 창출을 추구해 왔다. 이를 위해 대학은 학문과 진리를 탐구하는 것에 머물지 않고, 사회가 당면한 문제들을 해결하는 데 직접적으로 참여하는 사회적 책임을 강조하여 왔다. 현재 세계의 대학들은 지구적 문제들을 해결하기 위해 실제적인 노력들을 활발하게 벌이고 있다. 또한, 지구화 시대에 있어서 대학의 사회적 연대는 지역, 국가 차원을 넘어서는 지구적 차원으로 확대되고 있다. 실제 세계의 많은 대학들이 지구적 문제 해결을 위한 지구적 연대를 확대하고 있다. 2010년 설립된 ‘유엔고등교육기구’(UNAI)가 이러한 세계 대학들의 지구적 연대를 한 차원 끌어올릴 수 있는 중요한 계기를 마련해줄 것으로 기대되고 있다. This study seeks to explain university social responsibility and global partnership as a global effort to tackle various global issues such as under education, poverty, climate change, pandemic, etc. Since its inception, modern universities had three main missions of research, education, and public service. They pursued an ideal of producing public society for human society as a whole, not just their own private interests. In doing so, they actively engaged in both local and global society by developing their sense of social responsibility: an attempt to recognize problems human society has faced and actively search for their solutions. Entering into the 21st century, many people began to emphasize that university social responsibility be extended to the global level. In fact, many universities in the world now increase their role in resolving global issues in global society. They are actively endeavoring to reduce poverty, improve public health, expand primary education and higher education opportunity at the global level, Under such circumstances, United Nations Academic Impact(UNAI) was established with the initiative of UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon. UNAI will function as an important platform where universities around world can effectively form a global partnership for contributing to resolving global issues.

세계빈곤 문제 해결을 위한 상향식(bottom-up) 접근으로서의 ‘역량강화’(Empowerment)

박한규(Hahnkyu Park) 경희대학교 인류사회재건연구원 2013 OUGHTOPIA Vol.28 No.2

이 연구는 세계빈곤 문제 해결을 위해 선진국 해외개발원조(ODA) 정책과 자체 역량강화(empowerment)와의 연계를 제안하고 있다. 그 동안 유엔의 MDGs와 선진국ODA정책을 통한 국제사회의 세계빈곤 퇴치 노력들은 현지 사정을 무시하거나 부합하지 않는 문제점을 노정하여 그 효과성이 크지 않았다. 따라서 세계빈곤을 효과적으로 해결하기 위해서는 빈민들에게 재화나 자원을 일회성이나 일방적으로 제공하는 것을 지양하고, ODA나 국제기구들의 빈곤퇴치프로그램들이 수원국 국민들이 빈곤에서 탈출하는데 필요한 자립적 신념과 능력을 키워줄 수 있는 자체 ‘역량강화’와 효과적으로 연계되어야 한다. 아프리카 콩고에서의 새마을운동은 한국의 ODA정책과 수원국 국민들의 자체 역량강화를 효과적으로 연계하는 성공적인 사례로 볼 수 있다. 앞으로 한국정부는 ‘새마을운동의 세계화’를 성공시키기 위해서 단순히 개도국에게 재정적, 기술적 지원에 그치는 것이 아니라, 이를 민간주도형의 상향식(bottom-up) 방식을 통해 개도국 빈곤층이 스스로 자립할 수 있는 역량을 갖추게 하는 자체 역량강화와 연계하는 방안을 적극적으로 고려하여야 한다. This study suggests a linkage between overseas development assistance(ODA) and ‘empowerment’ as an effective way to reduce world poverty. Although the international society has made various efforts to eradicate world poverty especially since the 2000s, it has failed to effectively reduce the world poverty level. Since the top-down approach found in the past ODA policies has been criticized much for its inattentiveness to the actual situations and the needs of recipient countries, it is necessary to change to a new bottom-up approach to meet the needs of the people of the recipient countries. ‘Empowerment’ is a bottom-up approach to increasing spiritual, social, political, educational, economic strength of the people to escape from poverty for themselves. Through empowering, individuals can acquire the capacities to find out their problems and search for the solutions to overcome poverty. Saemaeul movement introduced in the Democratic Republic of Congo could be an exemplar case in which South Korea’s ODA policy can successfully harmonize with the empowering program for strengthening the capacities of local people to improve the quality of life on their own. Therefore, by the ‘globalization’ Saemaeul movement, South Korea could contribute greatly to helping poor rural people in developing counties strengthen their own capacities to be self-reliant.

국제사회에 있어서 인권의 주권적 특수성과 지구적 보편성 논쟁에 관한 연구

박한규(Hahnkyu Park) 21세기정치학회 2014 21세기 정치학회보 Vol.24 No.1

This study seeks to examine the debate on sovereign specificity and international universality regarding human rights and to suggest an approach to better enhance human rights in the international society. With the end of the Cold War over, there has been a growing consensus that human rights should be regarded as universal value, rather than a state’s sovereign matter, that the international society should promote by working together. Under such circumstances, some human rights advocates argue that the international society should take the responsibility to intervene militarily in the humanitarian emergencies in the some failed states where the people are not protected by their own states. However, others criticize that such humanitarian intervention only serves for the interests of the powerful states and violates the principle of non-intervention in the state sovereignty. International society currently has difficulties agreeing upon the criteria and principles for the R2P. This study suggest that strengthening of leadership of UN secretary-general, increasing role of epistemic communities on the R2P, and partnership between the UN and NGOs are very necessary in drawing a general international agreement on the implementation of the R2P for the time being.

탈냉전 이후 미중관계와 향후 전망

박한규(Hahnkyu Park) 충남대학교 사회과학연구소 2014 사회과학연구 Vol.25 No.1

EAST ASIAN REGIONAL COOPERATION IN THE POST-COLD WAR ERA : THE CASE OF NUCLEAR ENERGY

Park, Hahnkyu 경희대학교 사회과학대학 1999 社會 科學 論叢 Vol.17 No.-

BUREAUCRATIC POLITICS AND FOREIGN POLICY IN SOUTH KOREA

Park, Hahnkyu,Bae, Jong-Yun 경희대학교 사회과학대학 2001 社會 科學 論叢 Vol.19 No.-