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마문나 한국중국학회 2012 中國學報 Vol.66 No.-
現代漢語中能帶賓語的形容詞大部分具有使動義. 隨著形容詞或賓語的音節數目的不同, 使動義形賓結構顯示出不同的語法特點. 本稿從體貌特征、賓語的音節以及論元的語義特征等多方面對單、雙音節形容詞帶賓語的韻律和語法特點進行了考察. 單音節形容詞能否帶賓語同體標記有著密切的關系, 但雙音節形容詞能否帶賓語則更多的受到韻律的影響, 卽雙音節形容詞通過音節或音步特征, 臨時獲得了及物性, 其口語性、動態性和自主性都흔低. 在所帶賓語的音節數方面, 單音節形容詞與不同音節的賓語的結合能力, 呈以下順序: 單+單>單+雙>單+多. 單音節形容詞受體標記的影響較大, 흔多單音節形容詞不帶體標記時不能帶多音節賓語, 而帶體標記後可帶多音節賓語. 雙音節形容詞帶不帶體標記, 所帶賓語的音節數目不受影響. 雙音節形容詞與不同音節的賓語的結合能力, 呈以下順序: 雙+雙>雙+多>雙+單.單音節同雙音節都具有主語爲使事(Causer), 賓語爲感受者(Experiencer), 以及主語爲使事(Causer), 賓語爲客體(Theme)的語義關系, 幷且都以主語爲使事, 賓語爲客體的形式居多. 然而壹部分單音節形容詞的主語不是句子的論元, 和賓語具有不可轉讓的領屬關系, 其賓語所受的語義限制非常强, 而且此類形賓結構必須帶體標記. 單音節形容詞與其賓語間的語義關系相當緊密. 而雙音節形容詞與其論元的語義關系相對較疏遠. 從類型學的角度來講, 由于經濟性原則的作用, 在"主-形-賓"這壹使動構式(Causative Construction)中, 不需要任何其他成分的幇助而只依고語序, 就能表達使動義. 這種構式, 使用頻率越高, 就越具有能産性, 而且在此構式中出現頻率越高的形容詞, 타的及物性也就越强.
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마문나 ( Wen-na Ma ),류수경 ( Su-kyong Yu ) 한국중국학회 2016 中國學報 Vol.76 No.-
The distribution of adjectives and numeral-measure phrase in modern Chinese language is expressed in two patterns such as “Numeral-Measure Phrase+Adjective” and “Adjective+Numeral-Measure Phrase” structures. Although there is a little difference in these two structures between the type of combined adjectives or the existence and nonexistence of the meaning of comparison, those two structures, generally, have the same meanings and functions. So, this study reviewed the causes of those phenomena through a diachronic study and analysis of the meaning and structure of “Numeral-Measure Phrase+Adjective” and “Adjective+Numeral -Measure Phrase”. In a case where the classifier for units of measurement and the adjectives with weights and measures meaning such as “長、高、厚、寬、重、粗、深” appear (e.g. “一米高”), “Numeral-Measure Phrase+Adjective” and “Adjective+Numeral-Measure Phrase” structures in modern Chinese language have the same meaning and function. However, as the results of a structural analysis by this study on the properties of adjectives and numeral-measure phrase likely to appear and the interpolation of “是、有、□”, the adjectives in those two structures are found to have different properties. In other words, it is found that the adjective in “Numeral-Measure Phrase+Adjective” is an adjective itself, whereas the adjective in “Adjective+Numeral-Measure Phrase” has the property of a noun. This study identified the causes of synchronic existence of those two structures through a diachronic analysis. This seems to be connected with the development of the comparative sentences (差比句、平比句) and the change in the components of modification in Chinese language. An existing study mentioned a diachronic change from “Adjective+Numeral-Measure Phrase” to “Numeral-Measure Phrase+Adjective”. This study takes the view that this change is overall connected with a historic change in the distribution of the components of modification. In other words, it seems that a historically significant transition from“Noun+modifying phrase” to “Modifying phrase+noun” affected adjectives and quantitative phrases. In particular, The change in “平比句”, which is a change from “Adjective+如N” structure in ancient times to“(如)N(許)+Adjective” structure in the Tang dynasty period, directly affected the function of “Numeral-Measure Phrase+Adjective” structure of modern Chinese language. Accordingly, the “Numeral-Measure Phrase+Adjective” structure replaced the function of “Adjective+ Numeral-MeasurePhrase” structure. Also, the shift of an adjective and a preposition phrase resulting from the appearance of“差比句” affected the expression of the comparative meaning by “Adjective+Numeral-Measure Phrase” structure in modern Chinese language. Lastly, the function of “Adjective+Numeral-Measure Phrase” structure such as “高一米” seems to be connected with “Noun predicate sentence” developed from the middle chinese. According to the results of this analysis, there is actually a difference in the properties of adjectives between “Numeral-Measure Phrase+Adjective” and “Adjective+Numeral-Measure Phrase” structures seeming like they existed synchronically and expressed the same function, which is closely connected with a diachronic language phenomenon.
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오문의,마문나 한국중국학회 2015 中國學報 Vol.74 No.-
本稿首先根据具有使动用法的形容词(A)带宾语(O)时,中间是否必须加“了”,对70个单音节形容词和86个双音节形容词,进行了分类。接着,考察了这些形容词的使动用法在≪现代汉语词典≫(第五版、第六版)和≪现代汉语规范词典≫(第3版)中的词类归属问题,以及形容词的特征。 在考察的156个形容词中有些形容词在词典中标记为形容词以外的其他词类。这说明汉语词类划分仍存在一些困难,特别是动词和形容词之间的界限十分模糊,更加难以区分。 考察156个形容词在词典中的分类结果如下: 第一、A后不加助词“了”可以直接带O的,即具有AO形式的,在词典中标注A具有使动义的情况居多。“匀、正、稳”虽然不能直接带O,但这3个A可以用于“A(一)AO”和“把”字句,说明这3个A具有很强的谓词性,因此在词典中标注了它们的使动义。此外,“偏、歪”具有AO形式,但是词典中没有注明它们的使动义,应该予以补充。 第二、可以用于“A(一)AO”和“把”字句的A具有很强的谓词性,这样的A在词典中注明具有使动义的情况居多。“湿、硬”能够用于“A(一)AO”和“把”字句,但词典中没有注明它们的使动义,应该予以补充。 第三、通常使动义A的宾语都是无定名词,无定名词做使动义A的宾语是无标记的;但当使动义A的宾语是有定名词时,说明A具有很强的谓词性。也就是说,依据宾语是否具有限定性,可以判断A的谓词性强弱与否。因此,宾语是否具有限定性,也可以做为判断汉语的形容词是否具有使动用法的重要依据。虽然形容词之后带有定宾语的用例为数不多,但这样的形容词由于具有很强的谓词性,应该看做形容词和动词的兼类(如:软, 窘)。
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어문학부(語文學部) : 현대중국어 형용사 사동 용법의 사전적 처리 연구
오문의,마문나 한국중국학회 2015 中國學報 Vol.74 No.-
本稿首先根据具有使用用法的形容詞(A)帶賓語(O)時,中間是否必須加"了",對70個單音節形容詞和86個雙音節形容詞,進行了分類。接着,考察了這些形容詞的使用用法在≪現代漢語詞典≫(第五版、第六版)和≪現代漢語規范詞典≫(第3版)中的詞類歸屬問題,以及形容詞的特征。在考察的156個形容詞中有些形容詞在詞典中標記爲形容詞以外的其他詞類。這說明漢語詞類劃分仍存在一些困難,特別是動詞和形容詞之間的界限十分模糊,更加難以區分。考察156個形容詞在詞典中的分類結果如下: 第一、A后不加助詞"了"可以直接帶O的,卽具有AO形式的,在詞典中標注A具有使動義的情況居多。"勻、正、穩"雖然不能直接帶O,但這3個A可以用于"A(一)AO"和"把"字句,說明這3個A具有强的흔强性,因此在磁典中標注了타們的使動義。此外,"偏、歪"具有AO形式,但是詞典中沒有注明타們的使動義,應該予以補充。第二、可以用于"A(一)AO"和"把"字句的A具有흔强的謂詞性,這樣的A在詞典中注明具有使動義的情況居多。"濕、硬"能구用于"A(一)AO"和"把"字句,但詞典中沒有注明타們的使動義,應該予以補充。第三、通常使動義A的賓語都是无定名詞,无定名詞做使動義A的賓語是无標記的;但當使動義A的賓語是有定名詞時,說明A具有흔强的謂詞性。也就是說,依据賓語是否具有限定性,可以判斷A的謂詞性强弱與否。因此,賓語是否具有限定性,也可以做爲判斷漢語的形容詞是否具有使動用法的重要依据。雖然形容詞之后帶有定賓語的用例爲數不多,但這樣的形容詞由于具有흔强的謂詞性,應該看做形容詞和動詞的兼類(如: 軟, 窘).
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