화교(華僑), 화교(華僑) 네트워크와 주한사관(駐韓使館) -청일전쟁 이후 한성 지역을 중심으로-

김희신 중국사학회 2014 中國史硏究 Vol.89 No.-

Chinese departure from Korea due to the First Sino Japanese War was a temporary phenomenon and the number of overseas Chinese merchants in Korea increased twice every year. Most of Chinese coming to Korea left coastal area of Shandong to make a living. Although the ratio of merchants was still high among Chinese living in Hancheong, there were significant changes in the composition of overseas Chinese society with the increase of farmers or laborers. In the origin of the people, northern area was dominant. All of Chinese diplomatic offices in Korea in Hancheong and other ports came back to China with the outbreak of the Sino Japanese War and directors of Chinese merchant organizations in each port replaced diplomatic officers until the normalization of the relationship between two countries. Even when diplomatic supports of Chinese government could not be expected, Chinese merchants could sustain their lives thanks to the existing overseas Chinese network. The formal placement of diplomats after the Sino Japanese War was regulated by the Treaty of Commerce between Korea and Chinese in 1899 and it was regulated by the Treaty of Commerce between China and Japan in 1896 after the diplomatic cessation between Korea and China due to Korea Japan Annexation in 1910. It seems that there were two systems in overseas Chinese organizations in Korea after the Sino Japanese War such as Banghui (방會) and Shanghui (商會 or huashangzonghui, 華商總會) based on Banghui organizations. Banghui is the organization based on the origin area (same hometown) which has existed before the Sino Japanese War. Each Bang was an important part in the operation of the organization such as process of merchant related matters, club construction fund raising and management. Banghui involved itself in commercial transactions or guaranteed the interest and status of merchants customarily or through regulations such as ``zhangcheng``(章程). On the other hand, Shanghui organizations were made based on 4 big Banghui in Hancheong. Members held merchants` meeting, discussed various issues related to engineering and commerce, practiced the decisions or appealed to the government. For example, it functioned as a counter and a consultative group for the communication and for the systematic management of overseas Chinese merchants in Korea with the trend of increase of trading by Chinese. Their roles included collecting membership fees, managing the club, establishing schools, firefighting (water) organizations, purchasing firefighting vehicles (water vehicles) and dispute settlement. What we should note here is the establishment of Shanghui by overseas Chinese in Korea was closely related to the Xinzheng(新政) measure by Qing government. The establishment and institutionalization of Shanghui gave a clue to overcome the limits of organizations by hometown and by trade, and made direct influence on the change in social organizations of overseas Chinese in Hancheong. The leading group of this organization was elected through elections based on the number of actual members, status of capital, hometown and social activities. Although these organizations pursued the economic profits of members and were involved in various social activities, their activities and organization configuration could be changed according to the intensity of control of the government and the political changes. Regardless of Banghui or Shanghui, they played the role of liaison between diplomatic offices in Korea and general overseas Chinese. Chinese diplomatic offices in Korea was the supreme organization of overseas Chinese in Korea and took the important role of the protection of Chinese and the supervision and the management of Chinese government just as before Sino Japanese War.

四川省 防區體制와 地域統治 : 21軍 防區의 團務 改革을 중심으로(1926~1934)

金希信 중국근현대사학회 2003 중국근현대사연구 Vol.18 No.-

淸末 駐漢城 商務公署와 華商組織

김희신 동북아역사재단 2012 東北亞歷史論叢 Vol.- No.35

Overseas Chinese in Korea originated from Chinese merchants at the end of the Qing Dynasty. As each Chinese merchant had to be a member of a group in order to run their business in Korea, the guilds in Seoul naturally became the center of this overseas Chinese society. In this way, Chinese merchants in the early Chinese society in Korea formed their groups centering on specific localities, and the structure divided into groups was a remarkable phenomenon. However, while complying with the goals of the organization of the Chinese Guild, the Chinese merchants wanted to form their own groups with culturally homogeneous members, separate the organization, and promote the group’s common goals. This is also probably the reason that they were grouped by locality according to the traditional principle of organization. As the guild was established for pursuing common goals, namely,the development and unity of the Chinese merchant association, it was the first private office launched mainly by Chinese merchants. Chinese merchants opened a center for discussing public affairs and recommended the representative of the guild. In addition, they collected 0.4% dues from the members’ trades and used it for the operation of the guild. Even boatmen agreed on the “Regulations on the Guild” stipulated by Chinese merchants for raising funds for the guild’s operation. This suggests that there were motives for voluntary participation. However,the selection of director, the representative of the guild, was initiated by the role of supervising the ground-leveling work for the Incheon settlement, and the official seal was paid for by the Commercial Affairs Office. Furthermore, half of the money for buying the guild building was borrowed by General Commissioner Chen Shutang from official funds. Considering these facts, the guild was launched not as a completely private organization but as “a semi-governmental”institution. Differing from pre-modern overseas Chinese who were irrelevant to state power, modern overseas Chinese grew in close connection with state power. Chinese merchants in Seoul were managed strategically by their homeland from the early period of overseas Chinese social organizations. On the other hand, Chinese merchants used state power by complying with the state’s political strategies actively. This provided a base for Chinese merchants to grow and surpassed Korean and Japanese merchants in Seoul where competition among Korea, Japan,and China was most fierce.

권두시 : 가을

김희신 기독교대한성결교회 활천사 2020 활천 Vol.804 No.11

1930년대 국립사천대학과 ‘국가’ 상징성

김희신 역사연구소 2011 史叢 Vol.- No.74

吳武壯公祠의 유래와 韓國社會에서의 位相

김희신 한국중국학회 2015 중국학보 Vol.74 No.-

The purposes of this study were to explore the history of the Wuwuzhuanggong (吳武壯公) Shrine from its foundation to the present, and to examine factors influencing the status of the shrine in the Korean society and the trends of change in the status. Joseon king Gojong founded the Jeongmu Shrine in Hanseong in 1885 to the memory of Qing admiral Wuchangqing (吳長慶) who made a great contribution to the suppression of the Korean soldiers’ riot in 1882. The memorial service of the Jeongmu Shrine (靖武祠), which was a symbol of toadyism to China, was abolished in 1908 in the middle of national crisis. The right of management was transferred to the Consulate General of Qing in Korea in 1909, and the shrine was rebuilt into the Wuwuzhuanggong Shrine, and the Consulate General became the agent of the memorial service. Now there was no meaning of toadyism any more, but its edificatory meaning and function of extolling and propagandizing the great Chinese commander’s meritorious service in Joseon were rather reinforced. On the other hand, the movement for excluding Chinese residents in Korea was intensified in the Korean society during the 1930s, and the outbreak of the Sino‐Japanese War shook heavily the Chinese society in Korea and this increased the need of cohesion of Chinese residents in Korea. Thus, Lingengyu (林耕宇), the Consul General of Qing in Gyeongseong enshrined the memorial tablets of Chinese ancestors who had died in Korea together. With this, the Wuwuzhuanggong Shrine began to function as the core for the unity of the Chinese society in Korea along with its edificatory function. In the Korean society in the 1960s after the Liberation, it was controversial whether to preserve symbols related to foreign powers, and the Wuwuzhuanggong Shrine was no exception. The Wuwuzhuanggong Shrine was barely saved from demolition thanks to the fierce protest of the Embassy of the Republic of China, and in 1979 it was moved to a plot at Yeonhee‐dong owned by the Republic of China and settled as a permanent memorial place for Chinese ancestors in Korea. Even after the transfer of the diplomatic resources of the Republic of China to China with the establishment of formal diplomatic relation between Korea and China in 1992, Chinese residents in Korea performed memorial services every year in the Wuwuzhuanggong Shrine with identity as cultural Chinese beyond the boundary of government and state. Now, to the image of Wuchangqing as a great China commander was added the image of the founder of the Chinese society in Korea. Of course, the significance of Wuchangqing as a great commander who made meritorious services in Joseon has not disappeared completely, and it is believed to be preserved in a more immanent dimension. In this way, the Wuwuzhuanggong Shrine reflects social order changing through history. From the foundation of the Jeongmu Shrine in the late Joseon Dynasty to the present Wuwuzhuanggong Shrine, there have been changes in the way of interpreting the symbolic meaning of the shrine caused by historical and political situations. The interpretation of a symbol is changed over time, and the meaning that actors attach to the symbol swings along with historical contexts. The symbolic meaning given to the Jeongmu Shrine is clearly distinguished from that to the Wuwuzhuanggong Shrine. Although both have the same symbolic object of veneration, moreover, the meaning of the symbol was clearly different between when the symbol was relatively compatible with social order and when it was not. The present Wuwuzhuanggong Shrine is not regarded as a symbol of toadyism to China any longer. Originally the Wuwuzhuanggong Shrine was a shrine to the memory of Wuchangqing, the great Chinese commander but, on the other hand, it is also perceived as a historical and cultural space of Chinese residents in Korea rooted desperately in the Korean society through a long history. The history and current ritual events of the Wuw...

1930년대 국립사천대학과 ‘국가’ 상징성

김희신 고려대학교 역사연구소 2011 사총 Vol.74 No.-

This study purposed to illuminate by stages the pattern of change in the symbolism of ‘state (national)’ in academic areas and conflicts among individuals and organizations surrounding the symbolism during the period from the nationalization of Sichuan University in 1931 to the late 1930s when Sichuan attained a political status as ‘the last defense line of nation state’ and, by doing so, to examine how individuals, organizations and the state coped with globalization, its effects on the reshuffling of local order in the future, and its results. This study was not simple description of ‘the history of Sichuan University’ for explaining the growth process of the school, but an analysis of interaction among complicated mixed elements in the background of the growth of the school focused on academic, educational and cultural aspects. Issues surrounding the National Sichuan University in the 1930s, in particular, those related to the appointment and retirement of the principal, the invitation of professors, school operation, academic and educational environment, and student selection involve the relation between the local government and the central government as well as academic and political relations. This study analyzed reactions and behaviors of various groups surrounding the reform of the university and discussed cooperation and collision among them, but these topics are also closely related with the restructuring of local order in Sichuan. The relation between the academic circles and the political and military circles, that is, the academic and political order in Sichuan was changed in response to the change in the status of Sichuan and the reform of the Sichuan University. Accordingly, it is possible to analyze changes in academic and political groups and their hierarchical order in history after the integration of Sichuan in the 1930s. In addition, this study will discuss the role of the state in the establishment and transition of the hierarchical order. In fact, until the integration of Sichuan, the power of the state was not decisive in determining the direction of the order and the development of academic circles. Furthermore, there was a possibility for collision among sectors surrounding political power if individuals and organizations are engaged in political activities or give pressure to block or allow changes, or if the state works as a driving force of change with initiative. An example is that when the National Government moved the capital to Chongqing and appointed Cheng Tian‐fang of the CC Line as the principal in November, 1938, many sectors of Sichuan waged campaigns claiming the unjustness of the appointment and resisting the state’s education control policies, but the power of the state was rather reinforced.

在朝鮮 ‘中國專管租界’ 공간과 화상조직

김희신 국민대학교 중국인문사회연구소 2022 중국지식네트워크 Vol.20 No.-

조선이 개항한 직후 중국이 조선에 ‘중국전관조계(中國專管租界)’ 공간을 별도로 설정한 것은 조선으로의 중국인 이주 및 화교사회의 형성에 유리한 점이 있었다. 중국전관조계에는 별도의 관리 조직을 두지 않았고, 각지 주한사관의 관리 감독 하에서 각지 화상 회관(공회, 공소)에서 동사를 선출하고 조계 관리를 도왔다. 조계는 화상들이 상업 경쟁에서 위축되지 않고 성장할 수 있는 기반이었고 화교사회가 정체성을 유지, 강화하는데도 의미가 있었다. 1910년 한일병합으로 중국전관조계는 1914년 다른 각국의 조계지와 함께 폐지되었고, ‘잡거’의 열린 공간이 되었다. 조계폐지를 둘러싼 중·일 교섭과정에서 사실상 조계내 중국인 소유의 토지 및 건축물에 대한 기득 권리를 보장받았다. 적어도 일상의 삶을 영위해 왔던 장소로서 조계지가 파편화되는 것을 피할 수 있었다. 또한 각지 회관은 조계 철폐 이후에도 그대로 유지되었다. 중·일 양국의 조계폐지 논의가 한창이던 시기 각지 회관은 ‘상회’로 재편되어 갔다. ‘상회’ 조직이 회원집단의 상업이익과 편의를 제공하는 경제조직이었지만 ‘집거’ 공간의 위생 관리 및 공동묘지 관리 등 회관의 기능을 이어나갔던 사실은 매우 흥미롭다. 중화회관과 중화상회의 업무가 명확하게 분리되지 않은 점은 한국화교사회의 특징이며, 조선 이주 초기부터 존재했던 ‘집거’ 공간의 존재와 그 관리 운영구조에서 그 단서를 찾을 수 있다.

중국 동북지역의 상업자본과 상점 네트워크 ― 만주국 수립이전 봉천시 사례를 중심으로 ―

김희신 중국근현대사학회 2014 중국근현대사연구 Vol.62 No.-

The northeastern region was a new undeveloped land, and Han chinese merchants in the region entered the northeastern territory without the government’s protection. Therefore, they led the development of commerce in the region based on kinship and regional connections. They established centers for people from the same province based on regional networks, and organized merchant associations, which established business rules based on their old trading systems and methods and regulated the market order. In this way, they applied their old customs and systems of commercial trade in the northeastern region. This is considered the process that the northeastern region was reformed into the structure of sharing the economic systems (customs) within the jurisdiction of China. Immigrant merchants in the province raised funds and opened shops using their kinship or regional connections, and this was the hugu(partnership, 合股) organization in the form of partnership. In addition, they needed to promote the maximization of profits and the enduring stability of businesses through a commercial network connecting related categories of businesses in tune with the northeastern market environment, and lianhao(chain store, 聯號) was the shop organization developed to meet the need. They minimized the risk of market based on trust among the members connected through the most traditional interpersonal relations. Various human networks worked in business activities pursuing the common interest of maximum profit. Because of the strong tendency that relations based on the origin of place appeared redundantly, however, such relations functioned as the most enduring network in shop administration. On the other hand, there were huge merchant groups called shangbang(商幇), which was engaged in commercial activities, in each unit ‘region.’ It was during the Ming and Qing Dynasties and especially from the mid Ming Dynasty that such a regional shangbang emerged conspicuously. There was no shangbang having the northeastern region as its foothold at that time, but conditions for the formation of a regional merchant group were fulfilled by the mass migration of Han people in the Qing Dynasty and the activation of northeastern economy centering on the three provinces Shanxi, Shandong, and Hebei. In this way, the economy of Fengtian developed rapidly through the migration of Han population within the district to the northeastern region throughout the period from the late 19th century to the early 20th century, and it was Zhangzuolin’s regime that grew with the support of such economic power. Backed by the political support of the local administration of the northeastern region, moreover, local capitals in Fengtian led the development of commerce and industry in the area along with ‘indigenized’ capitals from the three provinces (other provinces within the district). What should be noted here is the advance of Fengtian local capitals. Fengtian local capitalists are largely divided into four groups, though somewhat overlapping with one another: first, commercial and financial capitalists who had long accumulated capitals through commerce and industry; second, former and incumbent provincial council members, bureaucrats, military cliques, and their descendents; third, old Manchurian aristocratic families and military rulers; and lastly, province‐invested financial institutions such as Dongsanshengguanyinhao(東三省官銀號). They generally belonged to the privileged leading class of the northeastern region, and had various relation networks based on their past and current backgrounds. In particular, there was a strong tendency of promoting the maintenance and expansion of shop operation through active relations with the local regime, which was struggling to expand and stabilize the local economy of the northeastern region. The local administration of the northeastern region raised capitals with inconvertible paper money called Fengtianpi...

근대 한중관계의 변화와 외교당안의 생성 ― 「淸季駐韓使館保存檔」을 중심으로 ―

김희신 중국근현대사학회 2011 중국근현대사연구 Vol.50 No.-

This study was conducted in order to advance content analysis on the history of Korea‐China relationship by enhancing accessibility to diplomatic documents called ‘Juhansagwandang (駐韓使館檔:Documents of Chinese diplomatic offices in Korea)’ in a historical, academic or practical sense. Based on the contents reviewed in this study, we can summarize the characteristics and values of ‘Juhansagwandang’ in the history of Korea‐China relationship as follows. First, the documents include extensive general materials, which mean unofficial documents worthy to be preserved. Official documents exchanged between Korean and Chinese diplomatic agencies include few general materials worthy to be preserved. Although some are included as accompanying documents, the scope of such documents is very limited. In the sense that they are documents of Chinese diplomatic offices in Korea, such records contain administrative information such as documents prepared, executed or received for administration. As they contain extensive unofficial documents (=general materials) worthy to be preserved, they have historical values. Second, ‘Juhansagwandang’ are in a mutually complementary relation with Korean diplomatic documents ‘Cheongan(淸案).’ It is presumed that even many of preserved documents might be lost due to instable political situations at home and overseas during the late Qing Dynasty and the late Yi Dynasty. In many cases, for example, there is jobok(照覆) but without johoi(照會) or vice versa, and this suggests that the continuity of documents could not be maintained due to various factors. Moreover, because diplomatic documents contained in Juhansagwandang and Cheongan were in a request‐reply relation with each other, their contents are sometimes complementary to each other. Furthermore, by comparing two documents on the same issue, we may find clues to differences between the two countries’ positions. Third, media carrying contents have the characteristics that they are the tangible original documents. Previous studies on the Korea China relationship in the late Qing Dynasty have relied on diplomatic documents as the records of objective facts in order to examine factual contents related to the relationship of the two countries. Juhansagwandang, which was published as digital materials, is tangible original documents and also contains historical information, and in this sense, it has two values. They have crucial meanings in exploring not only contents but also the actual form and generation process of diplomatic documents. How to interpret such original documents is still a problem to be solved. Fourth, the documents were classified according to the principle of source classification. The classification system of Juhansagwandang followed ‘the principle of source,’ which gives priority to the organization handling documents over the contents of documents. This classification system is advantageous in that it shows structure, context, and activity processes involved in an organization’s production of records. That is, it is efficient for understanding association among records according to source, and the relation between records and their producers and the background of their production. Fifth, documents during a specific period were completely scattered and lost. Juhansagwandang includes documents generated and accumulated by Chinese diplomatic offices for around 30 years from 1883 to 1913. However, documents for around 4 years from the end of 1894 to the end of 1898 are completely omitted. A very small number of documents in this period have survived, but they are quite exceptional. Some institutions preserve only a part of documents according to their value, but the loss of documents in this period seems to be accidental. It is not clear where the lost records are kept at present.