Reducing the Proper Binding Condition to Order Preservation

김랑혜윤 한국언어학회 2009 언어 Vol.34 No.3

Based on the contrast between scrambling and RNR with respect to the Proper Binding Condition, Saito (1987) suggests that RNR is a stylistic rule applying in the PF component, while scrambling is an instance of S-structure movement. However, Sabbagh's (2007) observation on the semantic effect of RNR, ie., the inverse-scope possibility, indicates that RNR cannot be said to be an operation just at PF. Assuming that RNR as well as scrambling is a S-structure operation (i.e., an operation before Spell-Out), I argue in this paper that the contrast between scrambling and RNR with respect to the PBC can be captured if the PBC is a consequence of Order Preservation of Fox and Pesetsky (2005). The proposal has a desirable implication that the so called remnant movement is allowed as far as Order Preservation is obeyed. I show that the proposal can be extended to Huang's (1993) data, with another implication that VP rather than vP is a Spell-Out domain in English.

Scrambling and Minimalist Program

김랑혜윤 한국생성문법학회 2003 생성문법연구 Vol.13 No.1

The Categorial Status of Control Infinitives and the Distribution of PRO

김랑혜윤 한국생성문법학회 2004 생성문법연구 Vol.14 No.2

This paper investigates the relation between the categorial status of control infinitivals and the distribution of PRO. There are three different types of approaches to the distribution of PRO; the binding-theoretic approach, the Case theoretic approach, and the movement approach. The binding-theoretic approach appeals to the CP/IP distinction to account for the distribution of PRO, the Case theoretic approach is compatible with and argues for the IP analysis of controls, and the movement approach takes the CP analysis of controls. I suggest a general constraint on passivization as an alternative of the CP analysis of Hornstein to account for the cases of control over a passive verb, since the CP analysis faces problems in dealing with Boškovi's (1997) examples. Still, I suspect that the two different views on the categorial status of controls, i.e., IP analysis vs. CP analysis, in fact reflect the fact that controls in itself bears a dual property. It behaves as if it is IP or a weak phase as long as Boškovi's (1997) examples are concerned but it behaves as if it is CP or a strong phase as long as the relatively free distribution are concerned. I propose that the CP deletion hypothesis in Chomsky (1981), rephrased here in terms of the C deletion in consideration of economy, is a way to deal with the dual categorial property of controls.

To Repair the Representational Approach to the Island Violation Repair in Sluicing

김랑혜윤 한국생성문법학회 2005 생성문법연구 Vol.15 No.4

Sluicing has been extensively discussed since it was first investigated in Ross (1969). Taking the movement and deletion position on sluicing, in this paper, I suggested a proposal to explain the island violation repair in sluicing. Specifically, I proposed that the island violation repair occurs in sluicing since the sluiced materials are not pronounced and thus don't need to be linearized, assuming Nunes and Uriagereka's (2000) proposal on CED effects. I discussed some potential problems of my proposal such as implicit argument correlates, focused correlates, and fragments, suggesting possible solutions. Then, I critically reviewed the previous analyses: Chomsky (1972), Fox and Lasnik (2003), and Merchant (2003, 2004, to appear). I argued that these analyses are quite representational in that their account crucially relies on the presence of the *-marked trace and in that they assume that violations of derivational economy can be saved by deletion, a representational repair.

The EPP as a Non-featural Requirement on Derivation

김랑혜윤 한국생성문법학회 2007 생성문법연구 Vol.17 No.4

Many linguists (Epstein and Seely 1999, 2006, Castillo, Drury, and Grohman 1999, Martin 1999, Boeckx 2000, Bošković 2002 a, b, in press a, b) have tried to eliminate the extended projection principle (the EPP). Especially, Bošković (2002 a, b, in press a, b) attributed the driving force for movement to the uninterpretable feature checking rather than the EPP. In this paper, I will show that the EPP cannot be reduced to the uninterpretable feature checking requirement. We do need the EPP as an independent requirement. Based on Relativised Minimality, ellipsis, and extraction facts, I will argue that the EPP is a configurational requirement on derivation rather than a featural requirement along the line of Chomsky (1981, 1982, 1999, 2000), Lasnik (2000), Holmberg (2000), and Landau(2007).

초청논문

김랑혜윤 한국언어정보학회 2001 학술대회 논문집 Vol.2001 No.-

본 논문은 영어에 있어 부사의 분포를 통사-의미론적으로 설명함을 목적으로 한다. 영어부사의 분포는 표면상 문장 내에서 매우 자유로운 듯하여 이 분포의 자유가 부사의 이동에 기인한다는 주장도 나왔으나, 본고에서 저자는 의미상 그리고 하위범주화상 부사의 이동은 있을 수 없음을 주장하고, 나아가 부사의 분포는 사실상 자유롭지 않고 매우 제한되어 있다는 언어학자들(Jackendoff(1972, Travis(1988), Cinque(1999))의 자료를 제시했다. 부사는 문장 내의 위치에 제한을 받을 뿐만이 아니라 부사들 사이의 상대적 순서에도 제한을 받는데 본고에서는 여러 학자들의 분석 중 가장 최근의 분석인 Cinque(1999)의 이론을 중점적으로 고찰하고 그 문제점을 지적했다. Cinque의 부사분포를 설명하려는 이론은 지나치게 복잡화된 기능범주투사를 필수요건으로 하는데 이는 통사적으로 너무 많은 값을 치루기에 비경제적이다. 저자는 부사의 의미유형에 따라 영향을 받는 부사의 상대적 순서 효과는 통사적 해결이 아니라 의미유형들의 작용역 관계에 기반한 의미적 해결을 하여야 하며, 부사의 문장 내 분포는 부사를 크게 세 가지 의미유형으로 나누고 이 각각의 의미유형이 최근 Chomsky에서 논의되고 있는 세 가지 국면에 사상된다고 가정하면 포착될 수 있다고 주장하였다.

The Soft LCA overruled by the Prosodic Constraints: Some Notes on Wilder's RNR Analysis

김랑혜윤 한국생성문법학회 2009 생성문법연구 Vol.19 No.3

The most admitted value of Wilder's (1999, 2008) analysis of the RNR constructions within the Multidominance (MD) framework is that the analysis captures 'the right edge condition' of the constructions: All the MD structures violate Kayne's (1994) LCA, and thus the shared element in the first conjunct of the RNR construction must appear in the rightmost position not to violate the asymmetry condition of the LCA. However, there is lots of evidence that shows that the Heavy NP Shift, which is assumed to be responsible for the right edge condition, involves the rightward movement, violating the LCA's ban on the rightward movement. Wilder's analysis is thus in a dilemma - either to violate the ban on the rightward movement or to violate the asymmetry condition. In this paper, I propose that Wilder's dilemma can be solved along the line of López's (2009) proposal based on clitic right-dislocation in the Romance languages that the LCA is a soft constraint and can be overruled by prosodic constraints.

Labeling and moving adjunction structures

김랑혜윤 대한언어학회 2019 언어학 Vol.27 No.3

Chomsky’s (2013) labeling algorithm faces problems in labeling and moving adjunction structures, putting aside the problem of Full Interpretation violations. Focusing on adverb-adjunction and scrambling, this article argues that the Anti-Labeling Device of Saito (2016) applies not only to scrambling-adjunction but also to adverb-adjunction. Feature-based alternatives are also critically discussed.

Can You Violate the Conjunction Condition in Korean? Tight vs. Loose Coordination

김랑혜윤 한국생성문법학회 2018 생성문법연구 Vol.28 No.3

Zhang (2010) argues that the Coordinate Structure Constraint (CSC) can be violated as in extraction of collective-reading conjuncts in Chinese he/gen coordinate construction. Likewise, Bošković (2013, 2017 a,b, 2018), Stjepanović (2014) and Oda (2016) argue that movement of the head of an island voids islandhood and thus CSC can be violated in some cases. Specifically, Oda (2016) claims that Japanese allows extraction of conjuncts in violation of CSC. This paper argues that the conjunctive -wa in Korean does not allow violation of the conjunct condition of CSC, even when it has collective interpretation, based on the data related to plural agreement marker –tul, reciprocal pronoun selo(each other), and intentional/optative verbs. This paper concludes by suggesting that, cross-linguistically, extractable conjunct is in ‘loose’-coordination relation with the other conjunct in that it is base-generated at the edge of coordinate structure, while non-extractable one, as a ‘tightly’ coordinated conjunct, is within coordinate structure.

Parametric Variation on Missing Tenses in Temporal Adjuncts

김랑혜윤 한국생성문법학회 2014 생성문법연구 Vol.24 No.4

The past tense markers cannot appear in the temporal adjuncts of Korean, while they can in those of English. This fact is surprising since it has been argued in the literatures that the so called SOT rule, which deletes past tense at LF, applies to English but not to Korean. I argue in the paper that, interestingly, the missing Tense variation in temporal adjuncts can be captured exactly by the solution for the SOT variation, i.e., Stowell’s (2005) claim that English morphological past –ed is a non-local PAST polarity item (PPI) but Japanese one (and Korean –ess, too, I claim) is a local PPI. The true semantic PAST tense, as a polarity licenser for a morphological past, cannot occur within the temporal adjuncts since its PRO reference time argument cannot be controlled due to the intervening temporal argument. This leads to the result that local PPIs, which need to be licensed by the true semantic PAST within temporal adjuncts, cannot appear in temporal adjuncts. On the other hand, non-local PPIs can appear in temporal adjuncts since they can be licensed by the true semantic PAST outside the temporal adjuncts.