高麗前期의 流配刑

김난옥(Kim Nan-Ok) 한국사연구회 2003 한국사연구 Vol.121 No.-

According to the Criminal Law laid down in the Goryeosa, exile fell into three categories: those sent 2,000 li, 2,500 li, and 3,000 li away from the capital. However, due to geographical conditions, exile was actually divided into Gunji (close exile), Wonji (remote exile), and exile to an island. Considered from the point of view of an individual living on the mainland, while Wonji was a more serious punishment than Gunii, it was still better than being sent to an island. The most serious crimes for which exile could be prescribed were rebellion, treason, and failure to take care of one's parents. In the case of rebellions and treason, exile was usually meted out as punishment to those who, while having participated in the movement, were not in the leadership group, and to those whose crimes were not of a serious nature. On occasion, individuals who acted immorally, such as, killing their mother-in-law, wife, or brother, or who were convicted of bribery or treachery, were exiled to remote places. In addition, there were occasions when individuals were exiled because of a specific political situation, such as, political infighting. When implementing the punishment of exile. Jeoljang was sometimes included as well. Sap my eon or Jaja was also sometimes implemented, depending on the seriousness of the crimes. Sokdong, which was a system through which the accused could prevail by paying a fine, was not permitted for anybody. Those people who were allowed to use the Sokdong system were government officials, or those who belonged to the same class. Moreover, there were special cases, such as crimes committed by a disabled person where only one crime could be punished at a time. The Baeyeok imprisonment period-was decided based on one's social status. As punishment was based on the culprit's social class and the nature of his crime, the same can be said to have applied to the length of exile. However, the most important fact is that in cases where two individuals were accused of the same crime, it was social status that influenced the length of exile. Different terms of imprisonment for the same crimes were often decided upon, and sometimes, a private slave was exiled in place of his owner. Thus, this social status mentality, which separated the noble and common classes, and people of high/low social status, played an important role on the prosecution of crimes and on the subsequent punishment.

麗末鮮初 묘지명의 가계기록방식

김난옥(Kim Nan-ok) 고려사학회 2005 한국사학보 Vol.- No.21

고려 시기의 해도 유배 -징벌을 통한 자발적 복종의 구조화 측면에서-

김난옥(Kim, Nan-Ok) 고려사학회 2022 한국사학보 Vol.- No.89

고려 사회에서 人身에 대한 포상과 징벌을 집행하는 방식 중의 하나가 거주 지역에 대한 인위적이며 강제적인 조치였다. 驛이나 섬에서 군현의 구성원으로 편입되는 것은 포상에 해당하지만, 일반 군현에서 향・부곡이나 섬으로 거주 공간을 임의로 변경시키는 조치는 대부분 범죄에 대한 처벌로 시행되었다. 특히 섬으로 추방하는 해도 유배는 내륙으로부터 격리와 단절을 뜻한다는 점에서 매우 수위가 높은 처벌이었다. 고려 시기에 해도로 유배된 이유는 역모나 반란, 살인뿐만 아니라 贓罪나 姦罪 등 다양하였다. 그런데 국왕에 대한 불경과 불충의 행위로 인해 해도로 유배되기도 하였다. 국왕을 시해한 자의 당여이거나 반역에 연루된 경우, 왕을 저주하거나 비난하는 불충한 언사로 인해 해도에 유배되었다. 그리고 왕실 조상의 능묘를 제대로 수리하지 못하거나 왕에게 결례를 범하여 해도로 방출되기도 하였다. 고려에서 섬은 어염과 목축의 재원이고 때로는 수군을 충당할 수 있는 지역이었지만, 그 지역 단위로서의 위상은 향・부곡보다도 낮았다. 게다가 위중한 범죄자의 유배지로 섬이 이용되면서, 도민은 죄인의 후손이라는 멍에에서 벗어나기 어려웠다. 이러한 상황 속에서 섬으로 방출되는 해도 유배는 형벌 중에서 가장 기피의 대상이었을 것이다. 해도 유배가 신민을 규제하는 통제수단으로 상당히 효과적이었다는 사실은 섬으로 유배된 사람들이 느낀 두려움과 절망에서도 잘 드러난다. 국왕을 위협하거나 해치려 한다든지, 왕실의 존엄을 훼손하는 행위는 반역이나 모반처럼 처형이 불가피한 최악의 ‘불복종’은 아니지만, 그에 버금가는‘ 불복종’ 행위로 볼 수 있다. 이러한 측면에서 해도 유배는 불충을 징계하는 방식으로 활용 되었다고 할 수 있다. 고려에서 불충죄는 과거시험에 응시할 수 있는 赴擧權이 박탈되었고, 사면 대상에서도 제외되는 엄중한 범죄였다. 이처럼 국가 지배체제의 구조 속에서 해도 유배는 신민의 불복종 행위를 단적으로 드러내는 낙인과 같았다. 따라서 해도 유배는 징벌을 통해 국가권력에 대한 신민의 자발적 복종을 유도하는 수단으로 매우 유효했다고 판단된다. Artificial and forced measures on residential areas were one way of rewarding and punishing the people during the Goryeo Dynasty. While incorporation into the members of local administrations, islands, counties, or prefectures were regarded as a reward, the arbitrary changes to the residential space from the general counties and prefectures to the lower local administrations or islands were mostly regarded as the punishment for the crimes. Especially, getting exiled to islands was a powerful punishment because it meant isolation and severance from the islands. During the Goryeo Dynasty, people were exiled to the islands for various reasons, from conspiracy to rebellion, murder, illegal gains of property, and adultery. This also included the acts of disrespect and disloyalty toward the king. Some were exiled to the islands for getting involved in a group that murdered the king or committed treason, or for cursing and blaming the king in an unfaithful manner. In addition, people who failed to repair the tombs of royal ancestors or committed discourtesy were also exiled to the islands. At that time, the islands were the source of fish, salt, and livestock as well as the areas for recruiting the naval forces. In the local unit, however, the status of islands was lower than the local administrations. In addition, since the islands were used as a place of exile for the serious criminals, the island inhabitants couldn’t escape the bias of being the descendants of the criminals. In such situation, exile to island was the punishment that anyone avoided. The fact that exile to island was an effective way to control the people of the time shows the fear and despair of the people who were exiled to the islands. While the acts of threatening the king, trying to hurt the king, or harming the royal dignity were not the worst type of “Disobedience” that involved execution, they were still as serious as the disobedience. In such aspect, the exile to islands was used as a mean to punish the disloyalty. In the Goryeo Dynasty, disloyalty was a serious crime and criminals were disqualified from the right to take the state examination and excluded from prerogative of mercy. In such governance structure, exile to islands was like a stigma that expressly revealed the disobedience. Thus, it is deemed that the exile to islands was the effective mean to induce the voluntary obedience of the people by the state power.

부병제로 고려사회의 해명을 시도하다

김난옥(Kim, Nan-Ok) 고려사학회 2017 한국사학보 Vol.- No.67

고려사회의 성격에 대한 해명은 다양한 관점과 방법론의 적용을 통해 이루어질 수 있으며, 그 중 필수적인 주제 중의 하나가 兵制이다. 전근대사회의 병제와 관련된 연구는 단순히 군대가 어떻게 구성, 조직되었는가 하는 데에 머무는 것이 아니라, 토지나 신분과 같은 사회구조와의 연계 속에서 이루어지기 때문이다. 고려시대의 兵制에 대해서는 府兵制說과 軍班制說이 제기되었는데, 점차 두 개의 학설이 절충된 京軍의 二元的構成論으로 발전, 정리되었다. 姜晉哲의 府兵制說에 의하면 고려의 병제는 府兵制에 입각하였으며, 군인이 본질적으로 농민이었다는 점에서 기본적으로는 唐의 부병제와 성격이 비슷하였다. 다만 당의 부병제는 국가적인 均田農民을 대상으로 하여 租・庸・調의 면제를 조건으로 府兵을 확보하였으나, 고려에서는 균전제가 시행되지 않았으므로 府兵을 확보하기 위해 별도로 軍人田을 설치하였다. 이러한 강진철의 부병제론은 兵制에 대한 활발한 논의의 계기가 되었다는 데에 의미가 있다. 무엇보다 그의 ‘부병제설’은 단순히 軍制라는 하나의 측면에서 고려를 이해한 것이 아니라, 전체적인 사회구조 속에서 밝히려 했다는 점에서 더욱 가치 있다. 田柴科體制의 확립과 운영 그리고 붕괴, 국가의 수취체제 뿐만 아니라 고려시대의 생산력발전단계를 모두 염두에 두면서 京軍의 성격을 분석한 것이다. 따라서 비록 세부적인 부분에 오류가 있음에도 불구하고, 고려시대 사회구조를 해명하기 위한 담론으로 충분한 역할을 하였다고 판단된다. The nature and characteristics of Goryeo society can be seen from various perspectives and methodologies, and understanding its military system is one of the key topics. For a pre-modern society, examining a military system is more than about understanding its structure and organization, as it is organically tied to social structure such as land system and status system. Theories on bubyeongje (府兵制) and gunbanje (軍班制) have been proposed to understand a military system of Goryeo dynasty. Overtime the two theories have been blended and developed into a dual system of gyeonggun (京軍). According to the theory of bubyeongje by Jin-chul Kang, soldiers in Goryeo dynasty were originally farmers, and in this regard, the system was similar to bubyeongje of Tang dynasty. The difference lies in that while Tang"s system recruited soldiers among farmers who worked on gyunjeon (均田) on the condition of exempting the duty of joyongjo (租‧庸‧調; government"s collection of land crops, fabric, and local specialties), in Goryeo, guninjeon (軍人田), or land for soldiers, was separately set aside as gyunjeon system was not in place. Despite many limitations, Jin-chul Kang"s arguments contributed to promoting research on military systems in history. Most of all, they are valuable in terms of approaching the subject within a broader context of social structure, instead of examining only military aspect of bubyeongje system. He analyzed the nature and characteristics of gyeonggun with due considerations for establishment, management and collapse of Jeonsigwa land system, the government"s collection system, and various stages of productivity growth during Goryeo dynasty. For this reason, they provide valuable discourses in understanding social structure of Goryeo dynasty despite errors in details.

고려시대 良人ㆍ賤人의 용례와 良賤制

김난옥(Kim, Nan-Ok) 고려사학회 1997 한국사학보 Vol.- No.2

고려시대 국자감의 입학기준과 그 의미

김난옥 ( Kim Nan-ok ) 한국중세사학회 2021 한국중세사연구 Vol.0 No.64

During Goryeo Dynasty, Gukjagam was the leading educational institute, which was established in the beginning of the dynasty. Admission to and studying at Gukjagam was an important preparatory course to take gwageo examination later. The educational system or haksik(學式) introduced in Shikmokdogam during the reign of King Injong summarizes the school system and management of Gukjagam. Specifically, the admission criteria and the list of disqualifications show the intention of establishing Gukjagam and how it was managed. Mostly, the admission criteria of Goryeo educational institutes replicated those of Tang Dynasty where seoin(庶人) or ordinary people were allowed to learn samunhak(四門學) in the department of Confucian study that also included gukjahak(國子學) and taehak(太學). However, in Goryeo, the department of Confucian study did not accept seoin, and they were only allowed in the department of practical studies such yulhak(律學) that were classified as a study of general knowledge or japhak(雜學). Moreover, the list of disqualifications was explicitly stated, suggesting a very restrictive admission criteria of Gukjagam compared to educational institutes in Tang. For instance, people engaged in base work-e.g. japro(雜路), mechanical work(gong, 工), commerce(sang, 商), entertainment(ak, 樂)-or descendents of cheonin, hyangin, bugokin could not attend Gukjagam as they were treated poorly due to either social standing or occupation. Those who got married among close relatives(大·小功親) or did not follow a right way of living or gado(家道) were also banned, and this exclusion of offsprings from an intermarriage reflects ethical code of Confucianism. Those who were sent home for committing akyeok(惡逆) or sajoe(私罪) were also banned from attending Gukjagam. Meanwhile, a majority of those disqualified to attend Gukjagam for low social standing or occupation did have little chance of studying at Gukjagam at any rate. Nonetheless, criteria for disqualification were explicitly stated as a preemptive measure to rigorously screen unqualified students. Educational institutes in Goryeo did not accommodate admission criteria of Song Gukjagam which grew more flexible than during Tang Dynasty, and applied much more rigorous admission criteria even when they replicated Tang system. The list of disqualifications for admission to Gukjagam in Goryeo clearly shows the exclusion of certain social class or occupations at the time. Still, admission of seoin was partly allowed in the department of practical studies at Gukjagam, while Gukhak in Shilla Dynasty only admitted people of dupum or upper class, and this relative ‘openness’ compared to the earlier periods is noteworthy.

기획주제: 여성과 법,제도 : 고려후기 여성의 법적 지위 -범죄와 형벌을 중심으로-

김난옥 ( Nan Ok Kim ) 한국고전여성문학회 2009 한국고전여성문학연구 Vol.0 No.19

고려시대 여성에 대한 연구는 주로 혼인·상속 등 가족·친족제도와 관련된 내용이 주류를 이루었다. 여성들의 사회 진출이 봉쇄되어 있었으므로, 가족이라는 私的 공간 속의 여성이 아닌 公的 영역에서의 활동은 지극히 제한적이었기 때문이다. 이로 말미암아 여성의 법제적 지위를 刑政과 관련하여 파악하려는 연구 역시 미진한 형편이다. 이러한 문제의식 속에서 여성이 저지른 범죄와 그에 대한 형벌의 집행과정을 통해 이들의 법적 지위를 고찰하고자 하였다. 고려후기 여성의 범죄에서 가장 두드러진 것은 간통과 관련된 것이었다. 이 경우 당연한 결과이지만 타인간 간통보다는 친족간 간통이 더 강력한 처벌을 받았으며, 대개 奸罪는 유배형에 처해졌다. 하지만 남편의 부재라는 정상이 참작되어 죄를 면해주는 특이한 사례도 있었다. 왕에 대한 저주로 인해 불경죄를 저지르거나 남편을 살해한 악역죄를 범한 사례도 있었다. 또한 여성 당사자가 저지르지 않은 범죄이지만 연좌로 인해 처벌되는 경우도 있었는데, 대개 남편의 반역이나 모반 등에 연루된 사례였다. 아울러 죄인의 가족과 재산을 관에 몰수하는 적몰로 말미암아 여성이 官婢로 전락되기도 하였다. 여성에 대한 처벌 방식의 하나는 恣女案이나 遊女籍에 등록시키는 것이었다. 이럴 경우는 그 자손에게는 限品이나 禁錮되는 불이익이 뒤따랐다. 또한 신창관과 같은 기관에 소속시켜 상인을 접대하는 등의 특별한 역에 충당하기도 하였다. 이밖에 반란에 연좌되어 경刑을 당하고 노비로 전락하거나 간통으로 인해 머리를 깎이어 절에 유치되기도 하였다. 여성은 때로 남성, 주로 남편에 의해 사적 처벌의 피해자가 되기도 하였다. 대개 간통과 관련된 사건에서 남편의 자의적 형벌이 시행되었는데, 이들에 대한 처벌이 이루어지지 않은 점으로 보아 여성에 대한 법적 보호가 매우 느슨했다고 판단된다. 심지어는 딸이나 처를 매매하는 행위가 공공연히 이루어지기도 하였는데, 사법적 보호 장치에서 소외된 여성의 현실적 삶을 잘 보여준다. Women`s general inability to engage in political and social activities within Koryo society all but ensured that the majority of the crimes they committed were related to adultery. Cases of adultery involving relatives were naturally handled more harshly than those involving individuals outside of the clan. Banishment was the punishment most commonly meted out to adulterers. However, in some specific cases, banishment was avoided because the women involved were found to not have husbands. In some instances women were punished for the crime of cursing the king or for having committed the diabolic crime of murdering their husbands. In addition, there were also cases in which although women did not commit any crime per se, they were nonetheless punished because of their kinship with the offender. The majority of these cases involved husbands` accused of acts of treasons or sedition. Women were degraded to the status of government slaves as part of the state`s practice of confiscating not only the goods, but also the family members, of an accused criminal. One of the punishments meted out for women found guilty of a crime was to have their names and crime recorded in the chanyoan(恣女案, a registry of high class women who had been found to have engaged in misconducts or who had married more than three times) or in the yunyojok(of pleasure or prostitutes). Such an inclusion placed the guilty party`s descendants at a disadvantage with regards to the securing of official positions, or barred them from holding official positions altogether. Women criminals were placed under the auspices of government agencies such as the Sinch`anggwan, and mobilized for special forms of labor such as entertainment. In some extreme cases, women found guilty of a crime had their faces branded and their status degraded to that of slave. There were also women whose heads were shaved and were sent to temples because of adultery. Women were often victims of private punishment meted out by men, and in particular their husbands. By and large, husbands punished their wives for incidents related to adultery. The fact that these husbands were not punished by the stateusbands ir actions can beuinterpreted as a sign that women enjoyed very linsleulegal protection. Instances of men sellhat women daughters and wives have also been uncovered. As such, the world in which women existed was one in which they were generally alienated from the protection afforded by legal mechanisms.

고려시대 所의 편제방식과 所民의 사회적 지위

金蘭玉(Kim Nan-Ok) 역사교육연구회 2011 역사교육 Vol.120 No.-

While the so(所) was included within the bugok(部曲, special administrative districts of lowborn class) system, it differed from communities such as hyang(鄕) and bugok(部曲) in terms of its organizational method and tax collection structure. Differences were also exhibited across different periods. The so, which served as a village within the gun and hyeon administrative system during early Goryeo, was organized under the control of government districts. The products produced in the so were in principle collected by the administrative units who had jurisdiction over them. However, in the case of certain types of products, the residents of the so directly submitted the goods to the relevant agency of the central government or delivered them to the area from which the demand emanated. As they belonged to the same jurisdiction as the residents of the gun and hyeon, the residents of ‘early-Goryeo’ so were not, at least superficially, distinguished from those of the gun and hyeon. Unlike the so of ‘early-Goryeo’ which did not have any government officials holding the position of sori(所吏) or sosa(所司) assigned to them, such government officials (sori) were set up to assume control over the actual work duties related to tribute taxes within the so of ‘late-Goryeo.’ In this regard, the exploitation or subjugation of the so began in a full-scale manner from the 13th century onwards. The desire to seize control over the so by power organizations or people such as the royal family and Buddhist monasteries and temples became more intense during the final period of Goryeo. To this end, powerful households or individuals’ placing of the residents of the so under their direct control in a manner that circumvented their registration with the state(蔭戶, eumho) proved to be an outstanding characteristic of the so system of ‘late-Goryeo’.

여원관계의 전개와 征東行省理問所의 위상

김난옥(Kim, Nan-Ok) 한국사연구회 2016 한국사연구 Vol.- No.174

충혜왕비 덕녕공주의 정치적 역할과 위상

김난옥(Kim Nan Ok) 한국인물사연구소 2010 한국인물사연구 Vol.14 No.-