洪城 龍鳳山 磨崖佛의 特徵과 造成 背景 再檢討

진정환 보조사상연구원 2023 보조사상 Vol.65 No.-

During the Baekje era, temples and Buddha statues were built in the Naepo area. However, in the Hongseong area, no Buddhist temples or Buddhist art works from the Sabi period in Baekje have been confirmed so far. After Silla unified the three countries, the most important and remarkable Buddhist art in the Naepo area has been created in the Hongseong area. These are the rock-carved Buddha (Chungcheongnam-do Tangible Cultural Heritage), which was inscribed in the 15th year (799 CE) of Zhenyuan (貞元, Jeongwon) in Yongbong-sa Temple and the Singyeong-ri rock-carved Buddha (a treasure of Korea) in the mountain behind Yongbong-sa Temple. This article considered the changes in the originators and craftsmen, as well as the transitional aspect of the transformation of statues from the middle period to the late period of Silla through the Yongbong-sa rock-carved Buddha. In addition, the construction period and background were considered based on the styling characteristics of the Singyeong-ri rock-carved Buddha, which raised various views on the construction period such as the 8th century, the Later Three Kingdoms, and the 10th century. The Yongbong-sa rock-carved Buddha inscribed in the 15th year of Jeongwon was recognized as the basis for the spread of Buddhism at the national level during the middle and late periods’ transitions of Silla, but it is actually identified as a Buddha statue that originated personally. For this reason, it was difficult to supply and demand of craftsmen, the monk craftsman made a Buddha statue, which led to poor formability. There have been the view on the Singyeong-ri rock-carved Buddha, such as in the late 9th century ∼ early 10th century, but it is highly possible that it was built around the second quarter of the 11th century, compared to the stone Buddha style of the early Goryeo period. This period was a period of confusion immediately after the invasion of Khitan (契丹), and it is believed that the villagers of Hongju built the Singyeong-ri rock-carved Buddha as part of the Buddhist service in which the villagers of Hongju (Hongseong) participated nationwide to deal with the public sentiment. In addition, it is highly likely that the reason for the construction of the Singyeong-ri rock-carved Buddha on the hillside of Yongbongsan Mountain, not twon of Hongju (Hongseong), was based on the theory of the complementary temple and stupa (裨補寺塔說) to compensate for the excessive geographical features of Yongbongsan Mountain. 본 논문은 홍성 용봉산에 있는 용봉리 마애불과 신경리 마애불의 조성 시기와 그 배경을 재검토한 논문이다. 삼국시대 내포지역에는 백제의 사찰과 마애불 등이 조성되었으나, 아직 홍성지역에서는 확인되지 않았다. 신라가 삼국을 통일한 이후 내포지역에서도 가장 중요하고 주목할만한 불교미술품이 홍성지역에 조성된다. 이 논문에서 龍鳳寺 貞元 15年(799년)銘 磨崖佛로 신라 중대에서 하대로 변모하는 과도기적 양상과 함께 발원자와 장인의 변화 양상을 살펴보았다. 이와 함께 8세기, 후삼국기, 10세기 등 조성 시기에 관한 다양한 견해가 제기되었던 新耕里 磨崖佛에 대한 조형적 특징을 바탕으로 조성 시기와 배경을 검토하였다. 용봉사 정원 15년명 마애불은 신라가 중대에서 하대로 넘어가는 전환기에 국가적 차원의 불교 확산의 근거로 인식되었으나, 실제로는 私的 불사였던 것으로 파악된다. 이러한 이유로 장인의 수급이 어려워 僧匠이 불상을 제작하면서 조형성이 떨어졌음을 확인할 수 있다. 신경리 마애불은 고려전기 석불의 양식과 비교해볼 때, 11세기 2분기를 전후한 시기에 조성되었을 가능성이 크다. 이 시기는 거란의 침입 직후로 혼란기였는데, 홍주의 호장층이 흔들리는 민심을 수습하기 위해, 홍주의 읍민이 거국적으로 참여하는 불사의 하나로 신경리 마애불을 조성하였을 것으로 판단된다. 아울러, 읍기가 아닌 용봉산 중턱에 신경리 마애불을 조성한 이유는 용봉산의 과도한 지세를 보완하기 위한 裨補寺塔說에 근거했기 때문일 것이다.

초등영재와 일반학생의 다중지능과 사회적 적응행동과의 관계연구

진정환,이석희 대한지구과학교육학회 2014 대한지구과학교육학회지 Vol.7 No.1

The purpose of this study was to determine the discrete intelligences from multiple intelligence affecting the social adaptive behavior, help to understand their relation and draw educational implications to be used in supporting gifted students who have social and emotional difficulties by comparing and analyzing the relation between multiple intelligence and social adaptive behavior of gifted and general elementary students. The conclusions of this study are as follows. First, the levels of both multiple intelligence and social adaptive behavior were significantly higher in gifted elementary students compared to general ones on all sub-factores, indicating that the gifted elementary students are more adaptive in such constructs as self-efficacy, self-esteem, communicative skill, school life and interpersonal skill compared to general ones. Second, the association between multiple intelligence and social adaptive behavior was statistically significant both in gifted and general elementary students, indicating that the two constructs have close relation with each other. Third, for the gifted elementary students, the logical-mathematical and interpersonal intelligences had explanatory powers for self-efficacy, self-esteem, communicative skill, adaptation in school life, interpersonal skill while, for the general ones, intra- and inter-personal intelligences had explanatory powers for most domains of social adaptive behaviors, indicating that development of intelligences affecting the social adaptive behavior many have positive effects on social and emotional development of both gifted and general elementary students.

統一新羅 鼓腹形石燈과 實相山門

陳政煥 전북사학회 2013 전북사학 Vol.0 No.42

The Swollen Hourglass-drum Shaped Stone Lanterns have often been compared with those showing a more traditional figure with the octagonal body, resulting in controversies over their formal difference and the time periods when they were built. In this study, the lanterns are classified into two types based on the number of "light windows" and the shapes, cylindrical and octagonal, of the central pillar. Other elements such as the supports of the central pillar and the "fire chamber" as well as the decoration with the cloud motifs are also considered to arrange a chronological order of their construction. A research of the elements revealed that the lanterns in Silsangsa Temple is the oldest followed in order by those in the Gaeseonsa Temple Site, Jingusa Temple Site, Seollimwon Temple Site, Hwaeomsa Temple and, finally, Cheongnyangsa Temple. Meanwhile, an inscription on the lantern on the Gaeseonsa Temple site revealing that it was built in 868 helped researchers conjecture that the Silsangsa lantern was built between the 840s and 850s while the lantern of Jingusa Temple was erected in the same period as the Gaeseonsa lantern. The Hwaeomsa lantern was built either in 886 or 887 when Gakhwangjeon Hall was built or in the 880s, and the Cheongnyangsa lantern was between 890 and 920. It seems to be in 840 when Silsangsa Temple was renovated by Sucheol after the death of Hongcheok who had sought after the union between Seon and Hwaeom (Avatamsaka) that the stone lantern of a totally new style began to appear in Silsangsa Temple, marking a significant new step in the Buddhist art of Unified Silla. Sucheol introduced the lantern of a new style characterized by a drum-shaped body with cylindrical central pillar and the light chamber with eight windows probably because he considered it as a symbol of the harmony between the Gyo ("Textual") and the Seon ("Meditation") Schools and wanted it to help spread the newly introduced Seon Buddhism all across Silla. The following discussion is focused on the stone lanterns in Silsangsa Temple, Jingusa Temple Site and Gaeseonsa Temple Site under the belief that the similarity in the style of lanterns reflects not just an aesthetic but also a philosophical connection as well between these temples. As shown by its stone lantern and Buddha images retaining the same style as those of Silsangsa Temple, Jingusa Temple belonged to the Silsang School. It was also revealed that the name (▨休) inscribed on on the Memorial Stone of Buddhist Priest Jijeung at Bongamsa Temple is Gwanhyu (款休), that name of a pupil of Sucheol. Considering that Gaeseonsa (開仙寺) is the same temple as that (開禪寺) inscribed on the State Preceptor Hyegeo's monument standing in Garyangsa Temple, and the relationship between the royal family of Silla and Seon Buddhism in 868 when the stone lantern was erected and in 891 when land was purchased, the temple was affiliated with the Silsang School.

高敞 禪雲寺 兜率庵 磨崖佛의 編年과 造成背景

陳政煥 동악미술사학회 2015 東岳美術史學 Vol.0 No.17

전라북도 고창군 아산면 삼인리에 있는 선운사에서 약 2.5㎞ 떨어진 곳에 있는 도솔암 마 애불은 이규보의 「남행월일기」에 등장하는 유서 깊은 불상으로 크기가 15.5m에 이른다. 이 마애불은 1969년 5월에 학계에 알려졌으나, 지금까지 단편적으로만 다루어져 왔을 뿐 종합적 인 고찰이 이루어지지 않았다. 본고에서 필자는 고창 선운사 도솔암 마애불좌상의 현상 및 도상 특징과 함께 양식 비교 및 문헌·고고학적 자료의 검토를 바탕으로 조성시기를 규명하였으며, 존명 추론을 통한 조 성배경에 대해서도 언급하였다. 도솔암 마애불은 우리나라에서 가장 큰 마애불이지만, 거대함에 치중한 나머지 세부 형식 의 생략과 도상의 변형이 심화되었다. 형식의 생략과 도상의 변형은 필연적으로 토속성이 두 드러지게 하였다. 도솔암 마애불처럼 세부 표현의 치밀함보다 규모의 거대함에 치중하는 경 향은 고려 전기 국가비보사상에 의해 불상들이 일시에 많이 조성되었기 때문에 나타났던 현 상 가운데 하나이다. 도솔암 마애불은 괴체감과 세장함이 공존하는데, 고려 전기 불상에서 살펴볼 수 있는 특징 이다. 한편, 도솔암 마애불에서 살펴볼 수 있는 비례, 즉 신체에 비해 머리가 작아진 비례는 11세기 이후의 특징이라는 점과 요대 불상의 전형적인 착의법을 보이는 점으로 보아, 도솔암 마애불의 조성시기는 11세기 중엽으로 판단된다. 도솔암 마애불의 존명은 태현계 법상종 사원의 미륵불과 유사한 수인을 취하고 있는 점과 이규보의 「남행월일기」에 미륵불이라고 언급되어 있는 점, 사명이 ‘도솔사’라는 점을 종합해 볼 때 미륵불로 추정할 수 있다. 11세기 중엽에 이처럼 거대한 磨崖彌勒佛이 조성된 배경에 는 현종 즉위 이후 불교계를 주도한 태현계 법상종단의 영향이 컸던 것으로 생각된다. 그런데 12세기 이후 법상종이 쇠퇴하는 한편, 원 간섭기 이후 태현계의 미륵·미타신앙이 진표계의 미륵·지장신앙으로 변모하면서, 도솔암에 금동지장보살좌상이 봉안되었던 것으로 파악된다. 본고는 도솔암 마애불을 통해 고려 전기 불상 양식의 변화상과 11세기 중엽 불상의 특징을 파악해볼 수 있으며, 법상종의 宗勢 확대 양상과 법상종단의 변화 추이까지도 살펴볼 수 있다 는 것에 의의를 둘 수 있다. This 15-meter-tall Buddhist image is carved on a rock cliff 2.5 kilometers away from Seonunsa Temple in Samin-ri of Asan-myeon, Gochang-gun, Jeollabuk-do, a historic Buddhist heritage mentioned in The Diary of a Journey to the South (Namhaeng Worilgi) written by Yi Gyu-bo(1168-1241), a renowned writer and statesman of mid-Goryeo (918-1392). The existence of the image was first reported to the Korean community of historians in May 1969, but no comprehensive academic studies have been conducted so far. Conceived from the situation, this study aimed to provide comprehensive information on the rock-carved seated Buddha of Dosoram Hermitage of Seonunsa Temple in Gochang ― including its artistic style, origin, and background ― based on archaeological evidences and historical documents as well as the name of the Buddha. Known as the largest of its kind in Korea, the Dosoram Rock-carved Buddha is characterized by the lack of detailed expression and deformation probably caused by its large size. The omission of details and irregularity in form have the effect of highlighting the aspects of folk art. The tendency of giving more value to the size of the images rather than detailed expressions as represented by the Dosoram Rock-carved Buddha is said to be attributable to the widespread effort to "reinforce the land" by building Buddhist temples and pagodas at its vulnerable locations during the early Goryeo Period. The Dosoram Rock-carved Buddha has a sense of both heaviness and slenderness characteristic of the Buddhist images of early Goryeo. Its body proportion of having a much smaller head than that of earlier images and clothes showing the influence of the Yao Buddhist images of the Yao Dynasty(916-1125) suggest that the Dosoram Rock-carved Buddha was made during the mid-11th century. The Dosoram Rock-carved Buddha is generally believed to be a Maitreya since it makes a mudra similar to that of Maitreya Buddha images developed by the Beopsang School of the Taehyeon Sect, referred to as a Maitreya in Yi Gyu-bo's Diary of a Journey to the South, and enshrined in a temple named Dosoram or Temple of Tusita Heaven ruled by Amitabha Buddha. One can also conclude that the image was made under the influence of the Beopsang School of the Taehyeon Sect, which dominated Goryeo Buddhism after the enthronement of King Hyeonjong(r. 1009-1031). The decline of the Beopsang School in the 12th century resulted in the gradual decrease of the Maitreya worship developed by the Taehyeon Sect, replaced by the Ksitigarbha worship promoted by the Jinpyo Sect. The change led to the enshrinement of a Gilt-bronze Seated Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva in the temple. In conclusion, this study on the Dosoram Rock-carved Buddha provides comprehensive information about the changes made on the Buddhist images during early Goryeo and characteristic elements of Goryeo Buddhist images in the 11th century as well as the development of the Beopsang School in Goryeo.

後百濟王 甄萱의 900~901年 言行의 意味

진정환 전북사학회 2019 전북사학 Vol.0 No.57

본고의 목적은 900년에서 901년 사이 후백제왕 견훤과 관련된 두 사건, 즉 900년 완산주 선언과 901년 8월 군사행동의 참뜻을 규명하는 것이다. 이를 위해 먼저 900년 완산주 선언이 나오기까지의 과정을 확인해보고 무슨 목적으로 그러한 이야기를 하였는가를 살펴보았으며, 이어서 901년 대야성 침공과 금성(나주) 남쪽 공략의 의미와 성과, 그리고 이 두 지역을 통합하기 위한 견훤의 노력에 대해서도 검토해보았다. 견훤은 신라의 변방이라 할 수 있는 서남해 방수군 비장으로 자립한 후 무주의 주치에 도읍을 정하고 지역민들을 포섭하려는 노력을 기울였다. 그러나 이것이 여의치 않자 견훤은 900년 완산주를 순행하면서 향후 국가 통합과 운영의 방향을 천명한다. 그 선언의 핵심은 ‘백제의 뿌리가 마한에 있고, 백제를 계승한 자신이 마땅히 의자왕의 숙분을 풀겠다.’고 한 것이다. 이 선언에서 견훤이 표방한 마한과 백제가 하나라는 인식, 즉 ‘마한-백제 일체의식’은 구백제지역을 통합하려는 사상적 기반이 되었다. 이와 더불어 자신의 선명성을 내세우기 위해 ‘의자왕의 숙분을 풀겠다.’고 한 것은 이후 국정 운영의 지표가 되었다. 이 900년 선언은 말로만 그친 것이 아니라, 전주로 천도한 후 불과 1년여 남짓한 시점에 군사행동으로 이어졌는데, 바로 ‘대야성 침공’과 ‘금성 남부지역 공략’이었다. ‘대야성 침공’은 의자왕의 숙분을 풀겠다는 그의 선언을 실천하기 위한 것이자 자신이 의자왕의 계승자임을 대내외 드러내는 하나의 정치적 행위였다. 그리고 대야성 원정길에 부수적으로 친신라적 경향이 강했던 남원지역을 자신의 판도에 둘 수 있었다. 이어서 견훤은 마한에 대한 귀소의식이 강했던 금성의 주민들에게 자신이 900년 천명했던 ‘마한-백제 일체의식’을 공유하고 확산시키기 위해 그 주변을 공략하였을 것으로 여겨진다. 이러한 점들을 종합적으로 살펴보면, 견훤이 건원한 시기가 전주로 천도한 900년이 아니라, 901년인가 하는 의문이 풀린다. 즉 900년의 전주 천도는 내부적 모순, 한계를 극복하기 위한 것임에 불과할 뿐이었을 것이지만, 901년 8월의 군사행동은 자신이 백제의 계승자이자 ‘마한-백제 일체의식’으로 지역을 통합할 수 있는 적임자임을 드러낸 금성의 마한유민들에게 이해를 구하는 행동이었다. 아마도 견훤은 901년의 군사행동의 성과를 바탕으로 고조선에서 시작하여 마한을 거쳐 백제로 이어지는 정통성이 자신에게 있음을 드러내기 위해 건원했을 것으로 판단된다. The purpose of this study is to explicate the meaning of the two historical actions undertaken by Gyeon-hwon (867-936), namely, the Wansanju Declaration that he issued in 900 and the military action that he initiated in the eighth month of the following year. The main discussion of the study is focused on the background to the Wansanju Declaration made in 900 and the process, achievement and historical significance of the military actions initiated by Gyeon-hwon in 901 to seize the fortified cities of Daeyaseong (present-day Hapcheon) and Geumseong (present-day Naju) as well as his effort to unify the two areas. Following his service as the leader (Bijang) of a border defense unit responsible for protecting the southwestern coast of Unified Silla, Gyeon-hwon chose Juchi in the province of Muju as the capital of the kingdom he aimed to establish. However, his efforts to win the hearts of local people were unsuccessful, thus compelling him to turn to the province of Wansanju, where he declared the restoration of Baekje in 900. In the declaration, he stated that "as the roots of Baekje are in Mahan, I, as the successor of Baekje's former rulers, will avenge the tragic fall of King Uija." This declaration, which reveals Gyeon-hwon's belief that Mahan and Baekje were one and the same, would form the ideological basis for his exploration of the territory of Baekje for his new kingdom. His decision to avenge the disgrace of King Uija, Baekje's last king, became the ideological foundation of the kingdom he aimed to establish. The Wansanju Declaration made by Gyeon-hwon in 900 led to the establishment of the capital of his new kingdom in present-day Jeonju the following year and to his decision to invade Daeyaseong and the southern part of Geumseong. His invasion of Daeyaseong was, therefore, not only the expression of his decision to avenge the humiliation of King Uija but also a political action designed to show both his followers and his enemies that he was the only successor to the fallen king. His exploration of Daeyaseong resulted in the subjugation of the area around present-day Namwon, which had been under the influence of Silla, and that of Geumseong, whose people had long been closely connected with Mahan, the predecessor of Baekje, and whose unity was highlighted in the statement of Gyeon-hwon. A comprehensive view of the history of this period shows that the establishment of Later Baekje by Gyeon-hwon took place in 901, not in 900, when he established the capital of his new kingdom in present-day Jeonju. The establishment of Later Baekje's capital in Jeonju was, for the founder of the new kingdom, the result of his efforts to overcome the instability spreading among his followers, while the military actions he initiated in the eighth month of 901 were intended to convince the people of Mahan in Geumseong that he was the legitimate successor of Baekje and the right person to integrate the kingdom with its predecessor, Mahan. As such, the achievement resulting from the military action of 901 should have given Gyeon-hwon an opportunity to strengthen his legitimacy as the successor of Baekje's rulers, following Mahan and the earliest Korean state, Gojoseon.

후백제 불교미술품과 고고자료의 검토

진정환 호남고고학회 2019 湖南考古學報 Vol.61 No.-

이 논문은 9세기 말부터 10세기 전반까지 거의 50여 년 유지되었음에도 불구하고 소위 ‘나말여초’라는 애매모호한 시기로 지칭되어 왔던 후백제기 문화 양상을 밝히는 것에 그 목적이 있다. 이렇게 후백제 고유의 문화적 특성을밝히기 위해, 그동안 필자가 꾸준히 제기해왔던 후백제로 비정할 수 있는 불교미술품과 더불어 후백제의 것임을 뒷받침할 만한 고고자료를 함께 살펴봄으로써 그 공통요소를 밝히는데 주력하였다. 이를 위해 우선 후백제 불교미술품을 금동불, 석불, 석탑, 석등, 승탑 등으로 나누어 어떤 것들이 있고, 발원 계층에 따라 각각 어떠한 특징을 보이는가에 대해서 살펴보았다. 왕실 발원 불교미술품은 왕궁리 오층석탑과 금동불, 봉림사지 불교미술품, 나주 철천리 석불입상 등이고, 호족 발원의 것은 남원 신계리 석불좌상, 보성 유신리 마애불좌상 등이 있다. 아울러 民 주도 향도결사가 발원한 불교미술품은 남원 호기리 마애불이 있다. 후백제 불교미술품은 9세기 후반 통일신라 불교미술 양식을 바탕으로 하고 있는데, 특별히 경북 북부지역 장인들의 수용 등 직접적인 방법으로 경북 북부지역의 불교미술품의 영향을 받은 것으로 파악된다. 다만, 여기에 그치지 않고 일부분이기는 하지만 백제를 계승한 국가라는 정체성을 드러내거나 발원 계층에 따른 다양한 조형의지를표출하려 한 것을 확인할 수 있다. 이러한 특징들이 더해져 분명히 동시대 신라는 물론이고 태봉과 고려와도 다른‘후백제 불교미술’이라고 하는 독자적인 ‘양식’을 형성하였던 것이다. 이와 더불어, 최근 새롭게 해석되고 발굴된 왕궁리유적과 봉림사지의 고고자료는 미술사적 분석과 정황만으로후백제의 불교미술품으로 비정했던, 왕궁리 오층석탑과 봉림사지 석조미술품들의 조성시기를 규명하는 단서를 제공하고 있음을 확인하였으며, 후백제 유적 출토 명문와와 와당에도 불교미술품에 투영된 후백제의 조형의지가 고스란히 반영되어 있다는 것을 알 수 있었다. 한편, 소위 나말여초 유적 출토 청자는, 향후 도통리 청자 가마가 후백제의 것으로 판명된다면, 도통리 청자 가마 출토품과의 비교를 통해 유적의 조성시기를 비정할 수 있는 표준자료가될 수 있을 것이다.

後百濟의 佛敎美術과 그 影響

陳政煥 전북사학회 2015 전북사학 Vol.0 No.47

The Later Baekje Dynasty (892-936) was caught in the period of transition from the Unified Silla Dynasty to the Goryeo Dynasty, and only lasted a short time. As such, a lack of relevant materials makes it very difficult to determine the characteristics of Buddhist arts of the period. This study examined - on the basis of earlier studies - the Buddhist artworks made in the capital and provinces of the dynasty, their regional characteristics and variations, and the classes of people who made them. It also discussed their impact on the subsequent early Goryeo Period (918-1392). Even though the Later Baekje Dynasty only lasted a short time, people from all social strata regardless of where they lived, including the royal family, nobility, and commoners, created Buddhist artworks for diverse purposes. These works of art generally look quite similar to those made during the preceding Unified Silla Period (676-935), and is probably due to the fact that people looked back at the Silla Dynasty culture wistfully, although they display slight differences depending on the prayers in each stratum. Thus, the Later Baekje Dynasty expressed its desire to inherit and preserve aspects of the Baekje Dynasty by incorporating elements associated with Baekje into Buddhist artworks and monumental pieces made for the royal family. The people of the Later Baekje Dynasty must have felt a need to follow in the footsteps of Baekje Dynasty and show their group identity in Buddhist artworks, which had a great impact on the early Goryeo Period, resulting in stone pagodas and Buddha statues reminiscent of those of the Baekje Period. These Buddhist artworks of the early Goryeo Period were largely concentrated in what used to be the royal capitals, major towns, and provincial temples of Baekje Dynasty where people could see distinguished Buddhist artworks.

益山 深谷寺 七層石塔 出土品의 特徵과 性格

陳政煥 전북사학회 2014 전북사학 Vol.0 No.45

It is said that Simgoksa Temple, situated at the foot of Mireuksan Mountain in Nangsan-myeon, Iksan, was founded by the Buddhist monk Muyeom (801~888) during the reign of King Munseong (r. 839~857) of Unified Silla, although there is no material evidence to support this claim. The name Simgoksa appears in the section on Buddhist temples located in Yeosan-gun (one of the areas integrated into Iksan-gun) in Sinjeungdonggukyeojiseungram (Revised and Augumented Survey of the Geography of Korea), which was compiled in 1481, thereby confirming that it was founded prior to 1481. However, Beomugo [a journal on Buddhist temples compiled in 1799 (the 23rd year of King Jeongjo’s reign)] states that Simgokam Hermitage, which used to be located in Mireuksan, had disappeared by that time, while Honam Eupji (a journal on the history of Honam) compiled around 1872 states that Simgoksa Temple was located about 4km west of the eup (town). Thus, it is presumed that the temple was closed at an earlier date and then renovated sometime between the early and mid-19th century, i.e. between the compilation of Beomugo and the compilation of Honam Eupji. The white porcelain jar, Gilt-bronze Standing Buddha, seven Gilt-bronze Buddhas, and Miniature Shrine found in two rectangular holes in the Seven-story Stone Pagoda at Simgoksa Temple (Jeollabuk-do Tangible Cultural Heritage No. 192) in the course of dismantlement and renovation work conducted in June 2012 became the center of attention. This paper aims to shed light on the features of the objects unearthed from the stone pagoda and determine how and when the pagoda was built in an effort to reconstruct the history associated with the temple. The two Gilt-bronze Standing Buddhas dating from the early 10th century appear to be the oldest such statues discovered at the stone pagoda. The next oldest object is the Gilt-bronze Amitabha Buddha Triad, which dates from the late 14th century or earlier. The Miniature Shrine and the four Gilt-bronze Buddhas appear to have been made in the mid-15th century or later, compared to other miniature shrines made toward the end of the Goryeo Period (918-1392) or the early Joseon Period (1392-1910) and the Bodhisattva with an inscription of its year of production. It is presumed that the sarira reliquary made of white porcelain was made in the 19th century or later based on the way the reliquaries were enshrined and its shape. The Gilt-bronze Standing Buddha and the seven Gilt-bronze Seated Buddhas are presumed to have been associated with the reliquaries.

기분석 정보에 기반한 색인어 추출에 관한 연구

진정환,김태완 인제대학교기초과학연구소 2001 자연과학 Vol.5 No.-

본 논문에서는 기분석 사전정보를 이용한 색인어 추출 시스템을 제안한다. 일반적으로 형태소 분석 방법은 실행시에 어절마다 코드변환, 형태소분리, 원형복원 규칙을 통한 분석후보의 여과 등의 과정을 거쳐 형태소 분석을 수행하므로 실행 효율의 관점에서 효율적이지 못하다. 이러한 문제점을 완화하기 위하여 어절 단위의 기분석 사전에 의한 분석을 실시하여 색인어로 추출함으로써 실행효율을 개선할 수 있다. 또한 사전 미등록 어휘를 포함한 복합명사의 분해를 위하여 각각의 어절의 음절 패턴에 따라 분해를 실시하여 단위 명사를 추출하였으며 복합 명사 분리시 통계정보와 MNPR을 이용하여 분해모호성 문제를 해결하였다. 본 논문에서 제시한 색인어 추출시스템은 문서분류, 문서용약, 정보추출 등의 분야에서 유용하게 사용할 수 있다. In the paper, we propose an index term abstract system based on pre-Analysis information. Most morphological analysis methods require repetitive procedures of input character segmentation and lemmatization of constitument morphemes, filtering of candidate results through looking up lexicons, which causes run-time inefficiency. To alleviate such problem of run-time inefficiency, we extract index term use a method of morphological analysis based on pre-analysis of partial words, so as to enhance the run time performance of the system. Moreover, we proposed a method of using statistical information and MNPR(Minimal Noun Preference Rule)in order to segment compound nouns include unregistered noun. Proposed index term abstract system is used usefully document classification, document summarization, information retrieval.

N-Butyl-N-(4-hydroxybutyl) Nitrosamine에 의해 유발된 백서 방광의 전암 병변에 대한 아스피린의 화학적 암 예방 효과

진정환,이길호,김형지 大韓泌尿器科學會 2001 Korean Journal of Urology Vol.42 No.6