http://chineseinput.net/에서 pinyin(병음)방식으로 중국어를 변환할 수 있습니다.
변환된 중국어를 복사하여 사용하시면 됩니다.
- 中文 을 입력하시려면 zhongwen을 입력하시고 space를누르시면됩니다.
- 北京 을 입력하시려면 beijing을 입력하시고 space를 누르시면 됩니다.
RISS 인기검색어
- 검색키워드
- 주제어 : politicized national literature (검색결과 3 건)
- 무료
- 기관 내 무료
- 유료
-
중국공산당 100년과 중국 근현대문학 — 선전선동의 도구에서 개조와 검열의 대상으로
임춘성 한국중국현대문학학회 2021 中國現代文學 Vol.- No.97
Since its foundation, the Communist Party of China has focused its efforts on promoting literature through the pro-literature movement so that the subaltern people can be the main agents of literary creation and appreciation. The Communist Party of China demanded that literature be an agitation-propaganda tool for the “New Democratic Revolution” before the founding of the People's Republic of China, led literature by the policy after its founding, and controlled by censorship after its reform and opening. Agitation-propaganda theory was promoted through the Revolutionary Literature Debate in 1927, followed by the Left-wing Writers' Union in the 1930s and the Chinese National Association of Literature and Antiquities in the 1940s, and was standardized as the “People's Literature” in Yan’an. Since national foundation, “People's Literature” has been implemented as a policy through the “National Congress of Literature and Arts of China.” In the early days of reform and opening, the phase of liberation of thought was temporarily faced, but after the suppression of the Tiananmen Incident in 1989, censorship has been strengthened. In this article, on the 100th anniversary of the founding of the Communist Party, I would like to examine several points about how the Communist Party's literary policy was reflected and influenced literary creation and research.
-
오세영(Oh Sae-Young) 한국시학회 2008 한국시학연구 Vol.- No.22
Modern Korean poetry intrinsically has had close relations with politics, active and passive, including both positive and negative meaning, for the past hundred years. Not only activist poetry, which is a direct intervention into politics, but also pure poetry, which excluded political agendas from its text, was not entirely free from politics. Thus to understand modern Korean poetry, it is essential that we examine the relationship between poetry and politics. As a result of the close relationship between poetry and politics, modern Korean poetry has come to bear the following characteristics: the spread of the idea that poetry is a political instrument or a reflection of political awareness, the idea that a model poet should be a patriot, critical discourse that emphasizes mainly the content and subject matter of poetry, schematic understanding of poetry, rationalization of politically needed poets and poetry, the division of the literary world into different factions, and popularity of prose-like poetry. The two main reasons for such closeness between politics and modern Korean poetry are as follows. First, it was due to the continuation of past tradition. During the Chosun Dynasty of five hundred years, Korean literature was essentially a political instrument, and such attitude toward literature can be said to have been inherited to modern Korean literature. Second, the hundred years of modern Korean history was a time of political turmoil, and intellectuals were always called upon to take a political stand. As a result, modern Korean poetry either actively took part in politics or rejected politics altogether, and either way, literature could not be entirely free from politics. In that aspect, whichever stand or attitude the poet took, his/her poetry was thus, political.
-
이상옥(Lee, Sang-ok) 우리말글학회 2014 우리말 글 Vol.61 No.-
이 글은 1940년대 전반기 국민문학론의 혼란과 그 원인을 살펴보고, 그 해석의 가능성을 타진해 보는 것을 목적으로 하고 있다. 기존의 논의에서는 대개 국민문학을 자명한/고정된 실체로 전제해 왔다. 하지만 국민문학은 애초부터 명확성과 구체성이 결여된 매우 추상적이고 모호한 대상이었다. 특히 국민문학 개념과 창작방법의 부재는 국민문학론의 혼란을 야기한 주요한 원인이었다. 식민지 조선의 친일파시즘 문인들은 근대적 문학 패러다임으로 ‘국민문학’을 해석했고, 대개의 경우 그 개념과 범주를 넓게 해석하려는 경향이 강했다. 문학의 가능성을 최대한 열어둘 수밖에 없었기 때문이었다. 국민문학을 정의하는 데 어려움을 겪고 있었던 조선의 문인들과 달리 일본의 문인들은 삶과 생활의 문제와 결부시켜 국민문학을 쉽고 단순하게 해석했다. 하지만 그와 같은 단순한 정의에 내포된 문제는 국민적 자각의 문학적 재현이라는 것 자체가 지극히 주관적으로 해석될 수밖에 없다는 점이다. 이는 정치의 미학화의 극단적 형태인 비약과 간증의 문학이 성행할 수밖에 없었던 이유였다. 또한 국민문학이 국책문학 혹은 정치문학으로 특정되지 않은 이유, 그리고 국민문학의 핵심적 특질로 정신, 내면, 혼 등의 모호한 잣대가 제시된 것은 근대의 초극이라는 시대적, 지적 흐름과 밀접한 관련이 있다. 근대에 관한 근본적인 초극을 지향했던 근대초극론을 바탕으로 식민지 조선의 국민문학은 일정한 문학적 자율성을 획득할 수 있었다. The purpose of this essay is to explain the concept of chaos and politics quality of literature in the late colonial era. Existing discussions interpreted as inherently limits of colonial discourse, imitation of the dominant discourse and the cracks that appear in the process. However, the problem of crack is not so simple. Because, in the situation of the late colonial period, leading to the Sino-Japanese war in the Pacific War, the crack of colonial discourse is the origin that forming the space of empire/colonial discourses and discourse system of interpellation and response. Since the outbreak of the Sino-Japanese War, imperial Japanese is Redefining the relations with Colonial Korea to build a system of war. But the problem is contradictions of dominant power that subsumed to the colony inside the boundaries of the empire, but wanted to retain the status of the empire. As a result, the cracks between the discursive ideal and the reality will occur.
KCI
KISS연관 검색어 추천
이 검색어로 많이 본 자료
활용도 높은 자료
