여성영화 네트워크 재/생산 양식 ?여성주의 비디오 액티비즘을 중심으로

김선아 ( Sun Ah Kim ) 단국대학교 한국문화기술연구소 2012 한국문화기술 Vol.14 No.-

In these days, we can find that various experiments from social heterogeneity in Korea. Aiming not only the invention of a new feminist discourse but a social movement, feminist film/video activism has a life full of vicissitude like other experiments. Now this experiment is in its high time to reveal its potentiality and we are needed to examine it in the context of Korean Independent Film and video history. This article will try to suggest a framework to comprehend Korean feminist film and video activism by tracing the movement of its changes. Also, I will try to observe the genealogy of Korean feminist film and video movements. By doing so, we are possibly to access to a quest: What conditions should be made for women’s retrieval of their own cultural power? In Korea, feminist film and video movement has its root in two different territories: independent filmmaking and feminist movement that have not closely connected in a flow until 2000 and have developed in strategies of each. Before looking closely this connection in relation to feminist film and video activism, we definitely need to figure the genealogy and history of Korean feminist film and video activism. Feminist film and video activism has formed its history in the relation not only of the history of Korean independent filmmaking and documentary film and video making, but also of the history of Korean feminist movement. The collaborative film production of Bariteo, the first group of feminist filmmaking in Korea, and The Association of Korea Women’s Comradeship (Hankuk-Yoseong-Minwoohoi) tells us that feminist film and video activism had allied with feminist movement from the start. Now, these are much developed in the ways of each own, and each shows us different strategy and tendency. In this regard, there comes a need of new horizon for feminist film movement that makes it distinguished from other film movements. International Women’s Film Festival in Seoul (IWFFIS) established ‘Feminist Film and Video Activism’ section from 1997 to activate feminist film and video activism and feminist movement itself through closer alliance women’s associations and feminist filmmaking. Many women’s associations have tried to let women’s problems and known wider to public and also they acknowledged the potentiality of film and video making in introducing themselves to public. In recent days, there are two main aspects of feminist film and video activism in Korea: Active participation of young feminists in film and video activism and female filmmakers’ documentary works, which is so-called ‘new wave of Korean feminist documentary.’ The need for Korean feminist film and video activism is struggles for a new habitus: a new habitus for social revolution through appropriation of new technology, establishment of feminist cinema discourse, practices of feminism. Now still in the paradoxical time of enlightenment, instruction and old horizon of images, Korean feminist film and video activism is in the middle of its struggles for social justice, the ethics of image and women’s freedom of expression.

Making Forgotten Voices Unforgotten: A Study on Young Feminist Activism in China at The Year 2012

손수경 현대중국학회 2023 現代中國硏究 Vol.25 No.2

The year 2012 witnessed emergence of Chinese young feminist activists who began to address gender issues and raise voices for improvement of women’s rights and achievement of gender equality in Chinese society. It is the foundation of young feminist activism in current China, yet less attention has been paid to their activism at the year 2012, or it has been even forgotten. This study, in this sense, aims to trace back to the very beginning of young feminist activism in contemporary China, and find an answer to the following questions: who Chinese young feminist activists are and what sociocultural factors in China have given rise to emergence of young feminist activists at the year of 2012. It then introduces four significant campaigns of young feminist activism in 2012: “Occupy Men’s Toilet,” “Bloody Brides,” “I Can Be Slutty, But You Cannot Harass Me,” and “Bald Sisters,” and further explores three distinct characteristics of their activism: (1) body as weapon, (2) digital activism, and (3) coalition with LGBTQ Communities. Even though young feminist activists have met a wide range of challenges against their activism such as ideological repression, sociopolitical pressure, media censorship and control, and marginalized women’s voices, their fight for Chinese women is still ongoing, and it will never end. This study enables us to imagine a positive possibility that Chinese young feminist activism in and since 2012 will bring about a huger wave of changes and revolutions for women in China.

Feminist Activism as Interfaith Dialogue: A Lesson from Gangjeong Village of Jeju Island, Korea

Keun-Joo Christine Pae 서강대학교 종교연구소 2014 Journal of Korean Religions Vol.5 No.1

How do the religious engage with one another in Gangjeong village, Jeju when faced with the perceived threat to peace and human security presented by the construction of a naval base in the village? How do their religious teachings and spiritual practices motivate them to actively participate in peace activism? Exploring women’s roles in peace activism at Gangjeong, this essay suggests the dialogue of peacemaking activism informed by feminist activism as a desirable model for interfaith dialogue in Korea. Feminist activism is understood as a way of constructing shared power relations in every part of human society. Considering Korea’s particular geopolitics (i.e. ideological division and excessive militarization of Asia Pacific), this essay argues that first, the Korean religious should pay attention to the role of patriarchal masculinity in militarism and interfaith dialogue; second that a Korean model of dialogue in peace activism should incorporate gender perspectives by seriously considering women’s day-to-day activities as forms of spiritual practice; and third, that those who participate in the dialogue of peace activism should seek out practical ways of creating shared power relations among all living beings and liberate themselves from the fear fed by militarism.

Shifting the struggle inward: Mainstream debate on digital grassroots feminism in China

Chun YANG,Yongyuan ZHOU Asian Center for Women's Studies : Ewha Womans Uni 2023 Asian Journal of Women's Studies(AJWS) Vol.29 No.1

This research suggests that the legitimacy of Chinese feminist public opinion is reflected in mainstream digital grassroots feminism. The authors investigate the use of feminist discourse in the Chinese Internet with the aim of highlighting and focusing current discussions among grassroots feminists in China. This research reveals that mainstream debates revolve around radical and conservative feminism. We propose that there is an emerging radical force in the mainstream debate, which is conceptualized as “new feminist activism.” It tries to separate itself from national and sexual politics, and has evolved from western radical feminism, separatist feminism, and socialist feminism in China. In addition, new feminist activism is labeled as extreme feminism and pseudo-feminism and is not only criticized by conservatives such as liberal feminists and socialist feminists but is also ruled by the state for ideological control. Appropriation of feminist discourses by grassroots feministshaveledtopositionsof different groups splitting, and there is an intense internal fight for power over discourse. In general, digital feminism in China is characterized by a focus on the private sphere, de-political, and indirect confrontation. 本研究表明,中国女性主义舆论的合法性体现在主流数字草根女性主义中。作者调查了中国互联网中女性主义话语的使用情况,目的是突出和聚焦中国草根女性主义者的当前讨论。这项研究显示,主流辩论围绕着激进和保守的女性主义展开。我们提出,在主流辩论中,有一股新兴的激进力量,被概念化为 “新激进女性主义"。它试图与国家政治和性政治分开,并从西方的激进女性主义、分离主义女性主义和中国的社会主义女性主义中发展而来。此外,新激进女性主义被贴上了极端女性主义和伪女性主义的标签,不仅受到自由主义女性主义者和社会主义女性主义者等保守派的批评,而且还受到国家意识形态控制的统治。草根女性主义者对女性主义话语的挪用,导致不同群体的立场发生分裂,内部对话语权的争夺十分激烈。总的来说,中国的数字女性主义的特点是注重私人领域、去政治化以及间接对抗。

여성주의 관점에서의 지역사회 노인활동

이상원 ( Sang Won Lee ) 서울여자대학교 사회복지연구센터 2006 사회복지실천 Vol.6 No.-

본 논문은 사회구조적으로 성별 분업화된 지역사회 노인활동을 점검하고 그러한 활동들이 미치는 사회 불평등 현상을 분석하여, 사회활동 참여에서의 평등한 접근방법 등을 제시하는데 의의를 둔다. 구체적인 내용으로는, 통계로 살펴본 노인 활동, 여성노인의 지역사회 활동, 지역사회 활동에서의 불평등 현상, 그리고 노인의 사회활동에 대한 미래 전략 등을 제시하고자 한다. 21세기에는 여성과 함께 공유하는 남성의 활동이 서서히 증가할 것이다. 실제로 자원봉사활동으로의 지역사회활동을 원하는 사람이 점차 늘어날 것이고, 보다 질 좋은 활동과 양성 평등적인 목표 달성에 대한 다양한 움직임이 예상되므로, 남녀가 함께 참여하는 사회활동은 성별 분업화되지 않은 다양한 형태로서 그들 스스로 선택할 수 있어야 한다. 지역사회 공동체는 활동에서 모든 개인이 접할 수 있는 욕구를 기반으로 한 방법들을 요구하고 있다. 또한 지역사회 활동이 가족과 지역사회에서 개인적인 시민권에 바탕을 둔 실천과 가치에 대한 주요 쟁점으로 전환되고 있다. 이와 같은 사회변화와 함께, 양성평등적인 관점의 활동과 여성주의 관점에서의 활동참여와 기회 또는 의무 등이 지역사회 노인활동의 발전에서 논의되어야 할 내용들이다. The purposes of this study are, ① to explore the situation of the gendered division of the elderly`s social activities in community ② to examine the reasons why there exists discriminatory practices in these activities ③ to discuss gender issues in social activities of the elderly people. It is evidently true that social activities in community are shared in common between men and women in the 21st century. People increasingly wish to have various experiences in the form of voluntary works. It is also expected to move forward to join the better quality activities with gender-equal goals. The activities that both women and men participate would be able to make their own choices in various types with which they are not segregated by gender. Gender-equal practices and values come up with as the emerging issues. The `in-between-ness` of communities requires to pursue needs-based innovative measures to be met to every individual in their activities. This community-based movement will give an impact on setting up a social system and serving as a foundation to advance their social activities. Thus, it would be beneficial to develop the activities of every participants based on their citizenship from the feminist perspectives.

친밀과 돌봄의 정치경제학: 충남 홍동 지역 여성들의 활동을 중심으로

진명숙 한국문화인류학회 2020 韓國文化人類學 Vol.53 No.2

This study aims to examine the potential of women’s community activities in Hongdong–myeon, Hongseong–gun, Chungnam, based on intimacy and care to create productive differences outside the context of patriarchy. Prior studies on women’s care activities in local communities have mainly emphasized that these activities expand women’s scope into the public domain and socialize care, while also contributing to the reproduction of patriarchy as the result of gendering women’s activities in the level of the local community. To overcome these limitations, this paper interprets that women’s care practice can be the basis of feminist resistance that cracks patriarchy and highlight women’s subjectivity as agency in care activities. The main body of this paper consists of four sections. The first section explores the feminist implications of the intimate place–making strategy. The process of creating a place with intimacy for women shows the characteristics of their activities as an agency that disrupt the dominant patriarchal placeness of the countryside. The second section analyzes the community–based activities of educational care, elderly care, and mutual care and their meaning. These activities do not reproduce the hierarchical care work in the home but form an arena for local living politics and engage men as partners in care, suggesting a counter–discourse that men should also be involved in care activities. The third section highlights women who form an economic community using indigenous knowledge based on cuisine and food. Through these activities, these women disrupt the hierarchical gender norms under the modern capitalist patriarchy and show the possibility of a non–capitalist community economy, free from capitalist methods that favor surplus and monetary values. The last section analyzes the various voices that exist among women. What is needed to reduce the gap between these diverse voices is not a categorization of a single female identity, but a democratic politics that recognizes each other’s differences and compromises through discussions. The feminist care ethics must be a political project that removes the patriarchal repressive mechanisms to overlay women’s biological care abilities and lead caregiving practices to a resounding feminist resistance. 본 연구는 충남 홍성군 홍동면 여성 커뮤니티를 중심으로 친밀과 돌봄 기반의 공동체적 활동이 가부장제 맥락을 벗어나 생성적 차이를 낼 수 있는 잠재력을 지니고 있음을 고찰한 논의이다. 그 동안 지역공동체 내 여성의 돌봄활동에 관한 연구는 돌봄의 공적 영역으로의 확대를 통한 돌봄의 사회화의 중요성을 강조하면서도, 이것이 또 다시 젠더화된 노동을 지 역사회로 확장함으로써 가부장제를 재생산하는 결과를 낳는다는 논의가 주를 이루었다. 이 러한 한계를 극복하고 돌봄활동에서 나타나는 여성의 주체적 행위자성을 부각하고, 돌봄실 천이 가부장제에 균열을 가하는 여성주의적 저항의 단초가 될 수 있음을 포착하고자 했다. 본문은 크게 네 영역(section)으로 구성되어 있다. 첫째는 친밀한 장소만들기 전략이 갖는 여 성주의적 함의이다. 여성을 위한 친밀한 장소를 만드는 과정은 농촌의 지배적인 가부장적 장소성에 균열을 가하는 여성의 행위자성을 보여주고 있다. 둘째는 교육돌봄, 노인돌봄, 상 호돌봄 기반의 공동체적 활동과 그 의미를 살폈다. 이러한 활동은 가정 내 위계화된 돌봄노 동이 그대로 재현되는 것이 아니라 지역 생활정치의 장을 형성하고, 남성을 돌봄의 파트너 로 참여시켜, 돌봄을 남성도 함께 해야 한다는 대항담론을 제시하고 있다. 셋째는 요리와 음 식을 통한 토착지식을 활용해 경제적 커뮤니티를 결성하여 근대 자본주의 가부장제가 기획 한 위계화된 젠더규범에 어떻게 균열을 가하는지, 그리고 잉여와 화폐 가치에 우선한 자본 주의적 방식을 벗어나 어떻게 비자본주의적 공동체 경제를 그리는지를 보았다. 마지막으로 여성들간에 다양한 목소리와 차이가 존재한다는 것을 살폈다. 이때 중요한 것은 여성들 사 이의 간극을 좁히기 위해 여성을 단일한 여성정체성을 지닌 존재로 범주화하는 것이 아니라 여성들간의 차이의 정치를 인정하면서 대화하게 하는 민주주의 정치학을 펼쳐야 한다는 것 이다. 페미니즘 돌봄 윤리는 생물학적 돌봄 능력을 여성에게 덧씌우려는 가부장적 억압 기 제를 걷어내고, 돌봄실천을 여성주의적 저항의 울림으로 이어지게 하는 정치적 기획이 되어 야만 한다.

Feminist Net-Activism as a New Type of Actor-Network that Creates Feminist Citizenship

Ji-Yeong Yun 숙명여자대학교 아시아여성연구원 2020 Asian Women Vol.36 No.4

The spread of the #MeToo movement and protests against femicide have changed the digital media landscape in both global and Asian contexts. This paper aims to demonstrate that these changes are the product of a feminist, material-semiotic actor-network, and that feminist net-activism constitutes an ontological turn, an axiological intervention, and political participation, insofar as it (1) stimulates interaction between human and non-human entities; (2) actively redefines the paradigm of feminist discourse and practice; and (3) articulates feminist political issues and objectives and mobilizes political action through participatory platforms, such as online citizen initiatives. Hyper-connectivity and this ubiquitous digital media presence have broken clear boundaries, creating a new ecosystem where the feminist multitude emerges in a fourth wave of feminism constituted by digital content prosumers, using easily disseminated media to renew modalities of resistance and reshape the theoretical paradigm of feminism. The feminist multitude in the new media landscape advocates artistic creativity in the representation of the female body, which is not subjugated to the phallic economy of desire, and inscribes feminist issues and history in the digital archive.

Anti-Sexual Violence Movement against Harsh Punishment?

Choi-Kim Hana 이화여자대학교 아시아여성학센터 2016 이화여자대학교 아시아여성학센터 학술대회자료집 Vol.2016 No.7

In South Korean society, issues of sexual violence have been socially problematized by the feminist movement. The Korean anti-sexual violence movement has been acknowledged both in and outside the country for establishing legislation in a relatively short amount of time. However, there have been intensive media reports of extreme sex-crimes against children since the mid-2000s. Around these cases, a tendency towards ‘punitivism’ has emerged in public opinion and governmental policies, which includes harsher punishment on particular sex-crime and social segregation of sexual assaulters. Some scholars point out that the tendency towards punitivism was caused by the feminist movement against sexual violence. In the case of the United States, the feminist movement has also been held responsible for the formation and support of a penal trend, especially within the anti-sex trafficking movement and against sexual violence—a phenomenon which has been deemed ‘carceral feminism’. In this context, I examine how Korean feminist organizations against sexual violence have built their strategies and activities in opposition to this recent trend towards punitivism in order to show how the feminist movement against sexual violence interacts with legal institutions in the case of the Republic of Korea. Through a content analysis of documents of feminist organizations against sexual violence, combined with data collected from interviews with activists, I argue that Korean feminist organizations have utilized legal institutions as a tool of their movement in multiple strategies; on the one hand, through legal/systemic activism and cultural activism, and on the other hand, also including efforts for juridical settlement while manifesting their awareness of the risk of punitivism.

1970, 80년대 시몬 드 보부아르의 페미니즘 활동과 사유에 대한 일 고찰

이정순 숙명여자대학교 아시아여성연구원 2023 아시아여성연구 Vol.62 No.1

Simone de Beauvoir (1908-1986)’s The Second Sex published in 1949, has had profound influence on feminist research and movements in France and around the world, and it is considered the “holy book” of modern feminism. However, Beauvoir herself said that she was not a feminist when she first wrote and published the book. She had long distanced herself from feminism and had not participated in any women’s organization in France since the book’s publication. Then, in 1965, she publicly declared herself a feminist, joined the French Women’s Liberation Movement(MLF) in the early 1970s, and more actively engaged in radical feminist activism until her death in 1986. Thus, this study analyzed Beauvoir before and after her “conversion” to feminism and the reason behind it. To this end, I examined The Second Sex and other texts (articles, lectures, prefaces, talks, etc.) written subsequently, through which I discerned the overall basis of Beauvoir’s feminist activities and thoughts in the 1970s and 1980s. Finally, among Beauvoir’s vigorous feminist activities, her position and thoughts on abortion issues and motherhood were examined through a study on the “Legalization Movement of Contraception and Abortion” in France, which became the starting point for her own struggle for women’s liberation. 1949년 출간된 시몬 드 보부아르(1908~1986)의 『제2의 성』은 프랑스를 비롯하여 전 세계적으로 페미니즘 연구와 운동에 지대한 영향을 끼쳐 현대 페미니즘의 ‘성전(聖 典)’으로 불리고 있다. 하지만 정작 보부아르 자신은 이 책의 집필과 출간 당시 자신이페미니스트가 아니었다고 밝히고 있다. 보부아르는 이 책 출간 이후 오랫동안 페미니즘과 거리를 두고 프랑스 내 어떤 여성단체에도 참가하지 않았다. 그러다가 1965년 공개적으로 자신이 페미니스트라 선언하고, 1970년대 초 프랑스 ‘여성해방운동(MLF)’에 합류하여 1986년 타계 시까지 점점 더 적극적이고 급진적인 페미니즘 활동을 펼쳤다. 이에 본 연구에서는 우선 보부아르의 페미니즘으로의 “전향” 이유를 전향 이전과 이후의 2단계에 걸쳐 연구하였다. 이를 위해 『제2의 성』과 이 책 이후에 쓰인, 여성문제에 대한 보부아르의 사유, 성찰, 입장이 담긴 텍스트(아티클, 강연, 서문, 대담 등)를 분석하였고, 이를 통해 1970, 80년대 보부아르의 페미니즘 활동과 사유에 대한 전반적인 기조를 알 수 있었다. 마지막으로 보부아르의 왕성한 페미니즘 활동 가운데 그녀의 여성해방 투쟁의 기점이 된 프랑스 내 ‘피임·낙태 합법화 운동’ 연구를 통해 ‘낙태 문제 및 모성’에 대한 보부아르의 입장과 사유를 고찰하였다.

A Look at the Beijing Conference through Lesbian Eyes

Tingting WEI 이화여자대학교 아시아여성학센터 2015 Asian Journal of Women's Studies(AJWS) Vol.21 No.3

The author is an activist and observer of the ongoing young feminist movement. She interviewed the participants of the 1995 Beijing conference and activists in China’s feminist and LGBT movements. This article tries to evaluate the impact of the Beijing 1995 conference from a lesbian perspective on what happened in 1995 regarding their issues, their relationship and connection to the women’s movement and how the lesbian1 community and movement has developed since then. This article discusses issues addressed by the Young Feminist Activism Group who took public action following 2012. 作者是中国当代的青年女权运动参与者和观察者, 她通过采访1995年世界妇女大会的参与者和中国女权、LGBT运动的运动家, 试图从女同性恋的角度回顾1995年世妇会情况、女同性恋社群1995年后的发展及其与妇女运动的关系, 同时评价世妇会对女同性恋社群的影响。本文同时也讨论自2012年以来青年一代的女权主义行动派在中国进行街头和公共行动的情况及其意义。