분단의 전이

김지형(Kim Ji-hyung) 한국역사연구회 2012 역사와 현실 Vol.- No.83

Primarily examined in this article are the “Korean Residents Union in Japan,” which is usually referred to as “Mindan,” and the “General Association of Korean Residents in Japan,” which is generally called as “Chong’ryeon.” Examination of these two organizations, which represent the Koreans now living in Japan, would hopefully reveal what kind of tragic qualities caused by the division of the Korean peninsula have been reflected in the actions of these two bodies. The Koreans in Japan chose to consider either South or North Korea as their homeland, and generally showed a strong Nationalist stance. In other words, they shared their clinging to Nationalism, but they also pursued different states. Such unique situation served to maintain the ’Ideology of Division’ among the Korean residents in Japan. The Koreans in Japan have been divided, because the Korean peninsula has been divided. The division between South and North Koreas was directly reflected in the inner dynamics of the Japan-based Korean communities. When governments were installed separately in the peninsula’s South and North in 1948, and during the Korean war that broke out in 1950, and also during the subsequent Cold war period, South and North Koreas continued to quarrel with each other, and “Mindan” and “Chong’ryeon” became another active front of that conflict, where people who supported either the South or North continued to fight with each other. Then again, during the time of the April 19th Democratic Movement, the South and North Joint announcement on July 4th, dissolution of the Cold war, and the two recent South & North Presidential Summits, the Korean communities in Japan also displayed some level of harmony and strong unity, with the intention to bind all Koreans in Japan. We can see that not only the hatred and division between the two Korean governments, but also the people’s general efforts for reconciliation and exchanges, were all reflected in the actions of the Japan-based Korean communities. Yet the Korean communities in Japan have also been receiving strong influences from the Japanese society as well, and such collective influence accumulated for a prolonged period of time caused some serious changes to occur inside the Japan-based Korean communities which have reached their fourth and even fifth generations since their installation in Japan. The newborn Koreans are distancing themselves from Nationalism, and are also trying to escape the boundaries and walls of ideology. And due to the ever-present discriminative attitude of the Japanese society, the fragmentation of the Korean communities is now more than evident. The Koreans in Japan wish to maintain their dignity and pride as Koreans in foreign countries, so they are trying to contribute to the resolution of the Korean division, and bring all Koreans in Japan together.

福岡韓国民団70年史를 통해 본 재일동포의 역할

손동주 동북아시아문화학회 2019 동북아 문화연구 Vol.1 No.61

- Research is needed to shed light on the history of Koreans in Japan. So far, the overall research has been done enough. However, it can be said that there is little research on one area. - This time, I would like to consider what activities, especially the ways in which Fukuoka’s Korean-Japanese, who were closest to Busan and originated in Japan settled in japan and - This time, I would like to consider the activities of the Korean-Japanese in Fukuoka, where the return ship departed, in particular, how they settled in Japan, and what efforts they made to survive in Japan. - In order to do so, 1) strengthen solidarity and advocate rights in Japanese society 2) cooperation with the community 3) Linkage with the home country 4) Consider what activities have been done to improve bilateral relations. Fukuoka Prefecture’s Mindan members have made their own efforts to survive in Japan, they examined what discrimination they had made against foreigners in Japan, and what activities was done by Korean permanent residents to defend their rights. The study also examined how to connect with the residents of the community as members of Japanese society and various of aspects of what exchanges and activities of the nation as citizens were concerned about their home country. In addition, What efforts have been made to improve the relationship between Korea and Japan. Although there were many mentions of activities linked to activities at the Central Headquarters of Mindan, there was little analysis and research on the activities of the local civil complex. So, it is believed that the 70 years history of activities in Fukuoka province has been somewhat clear. Finally, I want to consider what the challenges left of the Mindan are. Mindan has gradually reduced the number of permanent residents, and many people take Japanese citizenship by marriage or naturalization. Koreans in Japan are also moving to 3 and 4 years old. In this situation, Mindan also considered what it should look like.

6.25전쟁과 재일동포 참전 의용병 : 이승만 정부의 인식과 대응을 중심으로

오가타 요시히로(?方義? ) 고려대학교 아세아문제연구소 2020 亞細亞硏究 Vol.63 No.1

본 연구는 6.25전쟁에 참전하려던 재일동포들에 대해 이승만 정부가 어떻게 대처했는지, 그리고 의용병으로 참전한 그들에게 발생한 문제를 이승만이 어떻게 해결하려고 했는지 살펴보고자 한다. 1950년 전쟁 발발 당시 일부 우파 재일동포들은 조국 상실에 대한 위기감으로 참전을 결심했고, 실제로 642명이 의용병으로 참전하게 됐다. 재일동포 의용병 참전에 대해 당시 이승만 정부는 소극적인 태도를 보였다가 국제연합군 요청에 응해 그들의 참전을 허락했다. 그런데 그렇게 참전하게된 의용병은 충분한 대우를 받지 못했을 뿐만 아니라 제대 후 일본에 돌아가지 못하는 상황에 처했다. 결국 재일동포 참전 의용병 중 265명만이 일본에 돌아가게 됐고, 나머지는 전사 또는 실종되거나 한국에 홀로 남게 되었다. 이승만 정부는 그들이 처한 문제에 대처하려고 시도했으나 냉전구조 아래서 충분하고 적절한 조치를 하지 못했다. 전쟁 중 진행된 샌프란시스코 대일 강화조약의 체결과 식민지에 뿌리를 가진 한일 간의 특수한 관계는 재일동포 참전 의용병을 둘러싼 문제를 더욱더 복잡하게 만든 것이다. This article will examine how the Korean government dealt with Korean volunteers from Japan in the Korean War, and how President Rhee Syngman’s government tried to solve the problems they faced. When the war broke out on 25 June 1950, some right-wing Koreans in Japan decided to participate in the war for fear of losing their nation. 642 people actually joined the war as military volunteers. President Rhee was ambivalent about their participation but allowed them to enlist at the request of United Nations Command. But the Korean volunteers were not treated well and many of them were unable to return to Japan after the war. In the end, only 265 were sent back to Japan; the rest stayed in South Korea while leaving their families in Japan. Rhee’s government attempted to negotiate with the U.S. and Japan in order to deal with the problem of the Korean volunteers, but it did not have enough bargaining power under the structure of the Cold War. The signing of the San Francisco Peace Treaty with Japan during the war and the special relationship between the ROK and Japan, which had its roots in Japanese colonial rule, have further complicated the issue surrounding the Korean volunteers.

재일한국/조선인 사회의 갈등과 과제: 올드커머와 뉴커머 관계를 중심으로

유혁수 서울대학교 일본연구소 2014 일본비평 Vol.- No.10

This study sheds light on the process of integration between the “old-comers” and the “new-comers” in the zainichi Korean society, which recently has shown significant demographic diversity. While the number of “old-comers,” which consisted most of the zainichi population, has been decreasing every year as many naturalize to Japanese citizenship (estimated as 345,000), the number of “new-comers” has been increasing since the late 1980s and now reached 160,000, among which 60,000 now hold permanent residency. In addition, as the revision of Nationality Law in 1984 adopted the principle of equality between paternal and maternal lines in determining child’s nationality, an estimated 100,000 children of Korean descents possess Japanese nationality, calling for an urgent change in zainichi society. However, the zainichi society lacks any swift and effective measures to counter the variety of issues it faces today, as the merging of old and new comers are being delayed. This study takes the premise that Mindan must take on self-renovating measures in order to deal with the diversifying zainichi Korean/Chosen society, and provides several concrete suggestions as to what can be done while adapting to this newly-changing internal social dynamics.

일본 민주당 정권하에서의 영주외국인 지방참정권 2009~2012

이상현(Lee, Sang-hyun) 한양대학교 평화연구소 2017 문화와 정치 Vol.4 No.3

이 글은 2009년 민주당 정권 탄생 이후의 영주외국인 지방참정권 입법화를 둘러싼 일본 국내의 정치과정을 살펴봄으로써 이것이 좌절된 이유를 밝히고 향후 과제와 전망을 도출하는 데 주된 목적이 있다. 일본 민주당은 2009년 중의원선거에서의 압승으로 정권 교체를 실현하고 집권에 성공한 이후 창당 이래 기본정책이었던 외국인 참정권 입법화에 의욕을 보였다. 그러나 민주당 지도부의 입법화 시도는 당내 갈등 및 연립정권 내부의 심각한 갈등 상황을 초래한 뒤 답보상태에 빠지게 되었다. 설상가상으로 민주당정권은 2010년 7월 실시된 참의원선거에서 참패하면서 국정운영의 주도권을 상실하였고, 2011년 참정권 반대파인 노다 요시히코(野田佳彦)가 간 나오토(菅直人)의 후임으로 선출되면서 참정권 입법화는 사실상 좌절되었다. 연립정권 내부의 불협화음과 더불어 국내 보수우파 세력들의 격렬한 반대도 참정권 입법화가 좌절된 요인 중 하나였다. 중국위협론과 같은 대외적 요인 또한 국내여론이 보수우파 세력들의 선동에 노출되기 쉬운 환경을 조성하였다. 한편 민주당 정권하에서 외국인 지방참정권 문제가 재일한국인 문제에서 중국인 문제로 그 성격이 변화되고 있다는 점은 주목할 대목이다. 이를 고려했을 때, 재일중국인이 대다수인 일반영주자와 재일한국인이 대다수를 차지하는 특별영주자를 분리시켜 특별영주자부터 단계적으로 지방참정권을 허용해 나가는 것도 하나의 대안이 될 수 있을 것이다. 또한 일본 정치권에 상호주의 채택을 종용하는 것도 현실적 방안으로 고려해볼 만하다. The Purpose of this article is to examine why the legislation process of voting right for foreign residents has failed under the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ), revealing its prospects for the future and policy implications. After winning a victory in the 2009 election, DPJ tried to legislate the right of local suffrage for foreign residents. However, the legislative efforts of the Democratic Party fell into disarray after serious conflicts within the party and the coalition government. To make things worse, the Democratic Party regime lost control of the administration after the defeat of the Upper House election in July 2010. And the intense opposition of domestic conservative groups was another crucial factor that frustrated the legislation of the suffrage. External factors, such as the China threat theory, have also created a domestic environment in which the public opinion has been easily exposed to the incitement of conservative groups against the suffrage. Particularly, it is worth noting that the aspect of local suffrage for foreign residents has changed from the Zainichi Koreans issue to the Chinese residents issue under the DPJ regime. Taking this fact into consideration, I argue that it would be a possible alternative for the Japanese regime to allow the special permanent residents to have local suffrage by separating the general permanent resident (the Chinese residents) from the special permanent resident (the Zainichi Korean).

재외국민선거에 대한 민단과 재일한인회 회원들의 인식 비교

지충남(Choong Nam Ji),이소영(So Young Lee) 경희대학교 인류사회재건연구원 2014 OUGHTOPIA Vol.29 No.1

민단과 재일한인회는 재외국민선거에서 중립을 표명하면서 선거 등록과 투표를 위한 홍보 활동을 전개하였다. 그러나 재일 유권자 및 회원들의 투표율을 크게 높이지는 못하였다. 즉 선거에서 두 단체의 영향력은 제한적이었다. 두 단체 회원들의 선거 인지도는 90%이다. 선거의 참여의향, 선거제도의 인지, 선거 결과의 모국선거에 대한 영향력은 재일한인회원들의 빈도가 높았다. 선거가 동포사회에 미칠 긍정적 영향, 선거로 인한 동포사회의 반목과 분열은 없음, 소속 단체가 투표 참여에 영향을 줌, 소속 단체의 의견이 모국 정부의 정책에 반영, 선거에 대한 조총련의 영향 없음 등에서 민단 회원들의 인지도가 높다. 재일한인회원보다 민단 회원들의 단체 충성도와 정치적 효능감이 높게 나타났다. 소속 단체의 재외선거 홍보 인지는 두 단체 회원 간 거의 차이가 없었다. 재외국민선거 유무 인지, 참여 의향을 묻는 질문은 재일한인회 그리고 투표참여에 대한 소속단체 영향, 모국 정부에 소속단체의 의견 반영에서는 민단의 평균점이 높았으며, 통계적으로 유의미한 차이를 보였다. The Korean Residents Union in Japan(hereinafter called Mindan) and the Federation of Korean Associations in Japan claimed to be neutral while they promoted overseas elections to encourage election registration and voting, but they failed to obtain any significant results in terms of the turnout of Korean voters in Japan and of their members. Namely, the two organizations just exerted a limited influence on overseas elections. The election awareness rate of the members of the two organizations stood at 90 percent. The members of the Federation of Korean Associations in Japan had a more intention to vote and were better aware of the election system, and they thought election results exercised a greater influence on elections in Korea. The members of Mindan thought that election results had a more positive impact on their society, that there were no conflicts or feud caused by elections in their society, that the organizations to which they belonged affected their voting participation more, that the opinions of their organizations were more reflected in policy setting of the Korean government, and that the North Korean Communists Party in Japan had no impact on elections. The members of Mindan excelled those of the Federation of Korean Associations in Japan in organizational loyalty and political efficacy. There were little disparities between the members of the two organizations in awareness of P.R. efforts for overseas elections by the organizations to which they belonged. The members of the Federation of Korean Associations in Japan got higher mean scores in awareness of the enforcement of overseas elections and intention of participation, and the members of Mindan scored higher in awareness of the influence of their organization on voting participation and the reflection of the opinions of their organization by the Korean government. The differences were statistically significant.

재일코리안의 ‘전통마당’ 현황 및 발전 방안 모색을 위한 연구 - 오사카 ‘한국전통문화마당’을 중심으로 -

박태규 동국대학교 일본학연구소 2023 일본학 Vol.60 No.-

This study examines the participating organizations, performance status and present problems of the Korean Traditional Culture Madang in Osaka, and suggests opinions to seek methods for its development. The Korean Traditional Culture Madang started in 2007, and about 10 odd teams in three groups of Old Comer, New Comer and Educational Institution participated until 2021. Also, to classify works performed in the 1st to the15th Korean Traditional Culture Madang into ga (歌, vocal music)/ak (樂, instrumental music), mu (舞, dance), and hui (戱, performance play), it can be seen that 14 works were ga/ak, 35 works mu, and 18 works hui, respectively. And to take a close look at mu, which accounts for the largest proportion among the performed works, it includes court dance and folk dance. The folk dance again includes designated cultural heritages and creations, and the proportion of creations was far higher. It is judged that the review of traditional foundation of overall performances as well as the proportion of court dance and designated cultural heritage to creations should be considered. And further, it is deemed that long term regular exchanges should be promoted between Korean and Japanese traditional artists through the formation of their platform and that the overseas expansion of education for the succession of national intangible cultural properties and the increase of opportunities for the education should be considered. 본 연구에서는 오사카의 한국전통문화마당을 중심으로, 그것의 참가 단체 및 공연 현황, 당면 과제, 그리고 발전 방안 모색을 위한 의견을 제시해 보았다. 2007년 출발한 한국전통문화마당에는 2021년까지 올드커머와 뉴커머, 교육기관의 세 그룹으로 나뉘어 대략 10여개 팀 정도가 참여한 바 있다. 그리고 이 팀들을 분야별로 나누어 보면 판소리와 민요가 3팀, 무용이 8팀, 타악 등의 연희가 3팀으로, 무용이 가장 많은 비율을 차지하고 있다. 또한 1회에서 15회까지 한국전통문화마당에서 공연된 작품들을 歌/樂, 舞, 戱로 나누어 살펴보면 가/악이 14, 무가 35, 희가 18 종목임을 알 수 있다. 그리고 공연 종목 중 가장 많은 비중을 차지하는 무를 자세히 살펴보면, 여기에는 궁중 정재와 민속춤이 포함되어 있다. 민속춤에는 다시 문화재지정 종목과 창작 작품들이 포함되어 있는데, 비율상 창작의 비중이 훨씬 높았다. 향후 정재 및 문화재지정 종목과 창작의 비율은 물론, 공연 전반의 전통적 기반에 대한 점검을 고려해야 할 것으로 판단된다. 그리고 한발 더 나아가, 한일 전통예술인들의 플랫폼 형성을 통한 장기적이면서도 일상적 교류를 도모하고, 국가무형문화재 전승교육의 해외 지역 확대 및 기회의 증대를 재고해야 할 것으로 보인다. 재일코리안이 추구하고 계승하며 보존하고자 하는 전통이 한국의 그것과 유리되는 일이 없도록 상호 최선의 노력을 기울여야 할 것이다.