경희궁 궁원구성의 특징

백지성 ( Ji Soung Baik ),김민선 ( Min Seon Kim ),조태동 ( Tae Dong Cho ) 한국환경과학회 2016 한국환경과학회지 Vol.25 No.12

Gyeonghuigung palace is an important site as it was the secondary palace in Hanyang from the 17^th century to the mid-19^th century. Its original state was lost because a number of buildings were damaged and the palace area was reduced. The entire palace can be seen only in “Seogwoldoan” a drawing of the western palace. With “Seogwoldoan” to show the complete configuration of Gyeonghuigung palace in detail as the main data and other relevant data used as supplementary sources, the aim of this work was to identify the figurative features around the plantings and the space configuration of the royal garden in Gyeonghuigung palace. The space configuration observed in the royal gardens in Gyeonghuigung palace deviated from the norms and strict systems of royal palaces. The free and uninhibited configuration of the royal garden was allowed in Gyeonghuigung palace because it was built as a secondary palace in a lower hierarchy. Furthermore, a royal garden characterized by unique and unlimited planting was created, with several spaces acting as both royal garden and rear garden as the rear gardens could not be separately configured due to the narrow space of Gyeonghuigung palace.

신라 東宮의 변화와 臨海殿의 성격

전덕재(Jeon Deogjae) 한국사학회 2017 史學硏究 Vol.0 No.127

본 논고는 신라 동궁의 성격과 그 변화, 임해전의 설치 시기와 위치, 그 성격에 대하여 살핀 것이다. 문무왕 19년(679) 이전 『삼국사기』의 기록에서 삼국의 동궁에 관한 정보를 찾을 수 없다. 신라에서 679년에 東宮을 처음으로 건립하였고, 752년(경덕왕 11)에 東宮衙와 東宮官을 설치하였다. 752년 이전까지 동궁은 大宮, 즉 正宮의 동쪽에 위치한 離宮의 하나로 인식되었다. 경덕왕이 태자제도의 안정적인 운영을 통해 강력한 왕권의 확립을 도모하려는 의도에서 752년에 동궁아-어룡성-세택을 중심으로 하는 동궁기구를 새롭게 정비하고, 예전에 內省에서 관리하던 월지전 등의 여러 관청을 동궁관에 소속케 하였다. 이에 따라 동궁은 제도적으로 태자의 공간임을 보장받게 되었고, 9세기 후반 경문왕대에 태자 관련 제도가 한층 더 체계화·조직화되면서 동궁은 태자의 공간이라는 공감대가 널리 확산되기에 이르렀다. 하지만 이럼에도 불구하고 신라 말기까지 東宮은 思正堂과 隅宮같은 태자가 정무를 보거나 거처하는 공간과 국왕이 연회를 개최한 臨海殿등을 포괄하고 있는 공간이 병존하는 복합적인 성격을 지닌 공간이라는 측면이 완전히 불식되지 않았다. 679년(문무왕 19) 무렵에 월지(안압지) 서편에 건립한 臨海殿의 정문이 臨海門이었다는 점, 大明宮麟德殿의 건물구조와 임해전의 건물 배치가 유사한 점 등을 두루 고려하건대, 臨海殿址에 남북으로 배치된 세 개의 건물을 모두 망라하여 臨海殿이라고 불렀을 가능성이 높다고 판단된다. This paper examines the character and its changes of Silla’s East Palace, as well as the construction time, place and the features of Imhaejeon. Among the Samguksagi’s records that describe the period before the 19th year of King Munmu’s reign(679), no information about Three Kingdoms’ East Palace can be found. For the first time, the East Palace was built in Silla in 679. Donggunga and Donggungkwan were installed in the 11th year of King Gyeongdeok’s reign(752). Until 752, the East Palace was recognized as just one of the secondary palaces that were located on the east side of the main palace. In 752, King Gyeongdeok newly established the organizations under East Palace which centered around the Donggunga, Eoryongseong and Setaek offices. He also moved some government offices to Donngungkwan including Woljijeon, which was previously under the management of Naeseong. These measures were implemented to strengthen his royal authority by stabilizing operations of the Crown Prince System. Consequently, the East Palace institutionally became a guaranteed Crown Prince’s space. As the Crown Prince System worked normally in the late 9th century, awareness that East Palace was a Crown Prince’s place spread widely. However, until the closing years of Silla, the East Palace was still regarded as a complex space due to the coexistence of the residence and office of Crown Prince such as Sajeongdang and Ugung, and the spaces that included buildings as Imhaejeon where King’s banquets were held. There are three buildings that are placed on the North and South side of Imhaejeonji. Considering some factors as the fact that name of Imhaejeon’s main gate was ‘Imhaemoon’, which was built on the west side of Wolji, and the similarities between the building arrangements of Daimyung Palaces Indeokjeon and those of Imhaejeon, it is highly likely that people called those three buildings altogether by name ‘Imhaejeon’ around the 19th year of King Munmu’s reign(679).

고려 江都 長峯宮의 위치 비정 - 발굴 사례를 중심으로 -

이제원 숭실사학회 2021 숭실사학 Vol.- No.47

강도(江都)는 1232년부터 1270년까지 고려의 수도였지만 발굴조사를 통해 그 성격이 명확히 강도시대의 건물이라고 밝혀진 건축 유적은 얼마 없다. 하지만 발견된 몇몇 유적중에서 인화-강화 도로구간 문화유적 M지점에서 발굴된 고려시대 가 건물지가 장봉궁일 가능성이 제기되었다. 장봉궁(長峯宮)은 강도시기의 별궁 중 하나이며, 장봉신궁(長峯新宮)은 장봉궁과 같은 장소 에 세워진 궁이었다. 두 별궁의 명칭이 다르게 기록된 이유는 건물의 개축으로 장봉신궁이 새로 지 은 건물이었기 때문이다. 장봉궁으로 비정되는 건물지가 위치한 갑곶(甲串) 일대는 강도 성곽 체 계에서 몽골군을 방어하는데 중요한 전략 거점이었다. 육지에서 강화도로 들어가는 나루는 제포 와 갑곶 두 곳이었다. 몽골 사신과 같은 귀한 손님들은 주로 제포를 이용하였다. 그러나 대부분 의 사람들이 이용하고, 전국에서 올라오는 생산품이 들어오는 중요한 곳은 갑곶이었다. 또한 강 도 도성 내의 중요 거점을 모두 조망할 수 있는 곳에 위치한 가 건물지는 사찰이나 귀족의 사저 보다는 왕의 별궁일 가능성이 높다. 개경의 육요(六窯)와 관련된 <월개(月蓋)명 인장와>가 가 건물지와 같은 유적의 다 건물지에서 출토된 것으로 보아 가 건물지는 왕실과 연관된 건물지일 가능성이 높다. 가 건물지에서 12세기 후반에서 14세기 전반까지의 유물이 출토된 점은 왕의 장봉궁 행차 기록을 통해 본 건물지의 연대 와도 일치하여 그 연관성을 높여준다. 또한 ‘장봉’과 관련된 지명을 검토한 결과, ‘장봉’과 ‘동 산’, ‘장령’, ‘만수산’이 모두 오늘날 갑곶의 ‘당산’과 같은 곳을 지칭하는 것을 확인하였다. 비록 장봉궁을 직접적으로 지칭하는 유물과 기록은 확인되지 않았지만 건물지가 강도의 중요 한 곳에 위치한 점, 건물지의 초축 개축 폐기 양상, 그리고 역사 사료를 검토한 결과 장봉궁일 가능성이 높다. Gangdo capital was the captial city of the Goryo Dynasty bewteen 1232 and 1270, but only a few architectural remains unearthed by the excavations were specifically identified as being built during that period. But, recently, the possibility was raised that, among those historical remains, the makeshfit building site found in M point on the road between Gang’hwa and Inhwa might be Jang-bong P alace. Jang-bong Palace was built as one of the attached palace buildings of Gangdo capital era, and, some time later, this structure was remodeled and called Jang-bong new Palace. This is why the same building had two different names. Gapgot area where Jang-bong Palace was assumed to be located was a strategically important point in defending Mongol army. Gapgot and Jepo was the only two docks connecting Gang’hwa Island to the mainland. While important guests, such as foreign envoys from the Mongol Empire, used a boat in Jepo port to visit Gang’hwa Island, most oridnary people as well as products from all over the country traveled and transported to Gang’hwa Island via Gapgot port. The fact that all imporant locations in Gangdo capital fortress could be observed from the makeshift building also increases the likelihood that it could be the king’s attached building rather than a temple or a private residence of the aristocratic class. In addition, there are two more evidences that supports the argument that the builing could belong to the royal family. To begin with, given that <月蓋 Stamped roof tiles>, which was closely associated with Six kiln in Gaegyeong, was found in another makeshift palace built in the same historic site, this building is more likely to be related to the royal family. On top of that, the period, roughly between late 12th century and eary 14th century, when the historic remains was assumed to be built, exactly corresponds with the time when the king was recorded to have marched around the Jang-bong Palace. Also, the research on the origin of the names of the places associated with ‘Jang-bong’ indicated that ‘Jang-bong’, ‘Dong-san’, ‘Jangryeong’, and ‘Mansu-san’ all r efered to the same place as ‘Dang-san’ toda y. Although no historical relics and artifacts, and written documents confirmed it is Jang-bong Palace, there are three possible reasons that strongly support that it could be Jang-bong Palace; the building was located in a crucual site in Gangdo capital, how the building was first built, remodeled, and demolished, and finally, a thorough analysis of historical records.

한국연극사의 새로운 장르를 개척한 백제궁중기악 교육 콘텐츠 연구- 정읍사(井邑詞)와 가무(歌舞)를 중심으로 -

손대환 한국엔터테인먼트산업학회 2018 한국엔터테인먼트산업학회논문지 Vol.12 No.8

In the course of secondary education on Jeongeup Temple and Gammu of Baekje Palace, the concept of creative mind and the literature of Baekje's royal court was first developed through cultural education The origin of Jeongeup Temple and Suje Stream and the meaning of the song can be understood, and the educational meaning can be considered to discover that it is an "Hungung Evil" that was used as a preparation for the Joseon's test subjects. Jeongeup Temple as a musical form and Jeongeup as a form of dance. The first chapter in performing arts There are plays that originated from Jeongeup Temple and Suje Stream The traditional beauty and originality of acting, dancing, singing, sound, lighting, and stage gear are expressed, so students can experience and perform traditional, elegant, high-level Baekje dances, songs, and performances in an aesthetic fashion of Baekje royal culture. In the course of secondary education, which was raised in the introduction, it was not actively used in the secondary school curriculum due to the lack of contents of modern performance education and the weak performance education of Korean traditional court music. Therefore, we expect to develop diverse educational contents of secondary education scholars and teachers who are interested in traditional culture, court music, and traditional entertainment.

흥천사 명부전의 특징과 의미

손신영 ( Sohn Shinyoung ) 한국불교미술사학회 2021 강좌미술사 Vol.57 No.-

흥천사 명부전은 1855년 시왕전으로 창건되었으나 1894년 중건 당시 개칭된 것으로 보인다. 창건은 당대 최고 권력자 김좌근의 애첩 나주 양씨의 주도로 이루어진 것으로 추정된다. 1894년 중건공사에는 150여 명이 시주하였는데, 시주물목에 건축부재가 수록되어 있어 주목된다. 건축장인은 중건기록에 구체적으로 수록되어 있는데, 이중 니편수 마백룡이 1902년의 경운궁 중화전 중건과 1904~1907년의 경운궁 중건에 개와편수로 참여한 바를 확인하였다. 19세기 중반기 이후로는 경복궁 중건공사를 비롯한 각종 관영 공사가 이어져 수많은 장인들이 활동했다. 이들은 관영 공사 종료 이후, 건축유형을 가리지 않고 공사에 참여했던 것으로 보인다. 이러한 활동 양상은 건축형식에 영향을 미쳐, 흥천사 명부전을 비롯한 19세기 근기지역에 조성된 불전들에 궁궐건축 요소가 등장케 하였다. 흥천사명부전에서는 궁궐과 관아 등에서 주로 보이던 새부리 형태의 익공형식이 결구 된 것을 비롯하여, 다듬은초석·낙양각·교창·운궁형첨차·지붕의 취두 등이 궁궐건축적 요소이다. 이밖에 정면의 모든 기둥에 용두가 결구되고, 배면 운공의 봉두·낙양각 아랫부분의 용두·주칠 바탕에 금색으로 세로로 글자가 쓰여진 편액·편액의 봉에 용두조각이 있는 점 등은 흥천사명부전만의 특징이다. 1894년 흥천사명부전 중건은 왕실원찰로서 창건 당시의 위상을 되찾은 흥천사의 정체성을 다시 천명하는 계기로 볼 수 있다. 건축적으로는 당시 부불전의 보편적 요소에 궁궐건축 조형요소가 다수 채택된 불전이라는 점에서 의미가 있다. Myeongbujeon of Heungcheonsa was built as Siwangjeon in 1855, but it appears to have been renamed when it was rebuilt in 1894. It assumes that it was founded by Ms.Yang, the concubine of Kim Jwa-geun, the most powerful man at the time. In 1894, about 150 people contributed, and it is noteworthy that construction materials were included in the donation list. The architectural artisans were not mentioned in the first construction records, but they were specifically listed in the reconstruction records. Among them, it was confirmed that Nipyeonsu, Ma Baek-ryong participated in the reconstruction of Junghwajeon of Gyeongungung Palace in 1902 and the reconstruction of Gyeongungung Palace in 1904-1907 as Gaewapyeonsu. Since the middle of the nineteenth century, various state-run construction projects including Gyeongbokgung Palace had been carried out, and numerous artisans had participated. After the completion of the state-run construction, they appeared to have participated in any types of construction. This influenced the architectural style at that time. Palace architectural elements were adopted in Buddhist architecture including Myeongbujeon of Heungcheonsa which were built in Seoul and Gyeonggi areas in the nineteenth century Myeongbujeon of Heungcheonsa has the palace architectural elements. They are the bird’s beak-shaped Ik-kong style which was mainly used in architectures of palaces and government offices, trimmed cornerstones, Nag-yang, Gyochang, Ungung-shaped Cheomcha, and Chwidu on the roof. In addition, Yongdu is attached to all the pillars in the front. Bongdu of the Ungong on the back, Yongdu of the lower part of Nag-yang, Pyeonaek with vertical letters written in gold on the main lacquer background, and the fact that there is a dragon sculpture on Bong are the unique characteristics of Heungcheonsa Myeongbujeon. The reconstruction of Myeongbujeon, Heungcheonsa in 1894 could be regarded to reaffirm the identity of Heungcheonsa, and regained its status as the temple supported by the royal family at the time of its foundation. Architecturally, it is meaningful in that it is the Buddhist temple which has many elements of palace architecture as well as the universal architectural characteristics of Buddhist temples at the time.

고려후기 개경 궁궐 건설 및 운용방식

장지연 한국역사연구회 2006 역사와 현실 Vol.- No.60

Construction of Royal Palaces in the Gaegyeong Capital area during the Latter half period of the Goryeo dynasty, and How they were used

仁祖의 繼妃 莊烈王后 別宮 幽閉考

김인숙(Kim In-Sook) 한국인물사연구소 2006 한국인물사연구 Vol.5 No.-

조선 초기 上王(상왕)의 정치적 위상

김윤주 ( Yun Joo Kim ) 이화사학연구소 2015 梨花史學硏究 Vol.0 No.50

In the early Joseon dynasty, successive abdications of Kings were caused by competing for powers. However, King Taejong, who led to series of events and came to the throne at last, stressed positively the political meaning of abdication. As abdication, understood as an ideal succession of the throne in the confucianism pursuing a wise monarch, a king who succeeded to the throne could build an image of wise sovereign. It was the first time when the grand abdicated king, the abdicated king, and the current king co-existed, and their relationship intertwined with ethics of parental and sibling relations and political powers, became more complicated. King Taejong tried to bow and to take a toast to the grand abdicated king longevity of his father, the grand abdicated king, but the father avoided his son, the current king. Then, in the second year of King Taejong(1402), Josaeui`s conspiracy, considered with involvement of King Taejo, the grand abdicated King Taejo should return to the capital Kaekyung, after going out for longtime. And King Taejong improved his relationship with his father, making his own image as a dutiful son-king to his father-abdicated king. At that time, King Taejong started to consider his own abdication. He already supplemented his lack of legitimacy of kingship through treating both the grand abdicated king and the abdicated king with ‘duties for parents and siblings’. First of all, he experienced no case of succession to the throne in accordance with the former king`s own will in history of China and Korea. Of course, he had to make his third son, the Prince Choongnyeong as his successor because of his first son, the Prince Yangnyeong`s bad behaviors, he could secure his own right cause of selecting a wise one in the process. It was different from his former thought of succession to the throne by the first son. But when he abdicated, he could stress the meaning of abdication with ‘selecting a wise one’. King Taejong was recorded for his act to abdicate compared to that of the legendary Chinese King Yao-Shun. And his choice of his third son who was wise with ethics of parental and sibling relations instead of the first son who lacked virtues maximized political efficiency of his abdication. King Taejong arranged specifically institutions related to the abdicated king and built royal palaces around the capital, showing powerful status of the abdicated king. Then, succeeding his father suddenly with the title of a wise ruler, King Sejong had to depend on the father-king for some part of ruling including military power. However, he practiced more dutifully his respect for the father-king, establishing his image as a wise king.