China`s Political Reform as the Key to US-China Relations

Li, Shao Min 이화여자대학교 국제통상협력연구소 2004 Asian International Studies Review Vol.5 No.1

Many people believe that economic development will naturally lead to democratization in China. history, however, shows otherwise. Rising economic power of Japan and Germany in the 1930s led them to fascism and war. The current U.S-China-Taiwan relations resemble the U.S-Japan-China relations before World War Ⅱ in the sense that the current Chinese regime eagerly wants be full-fledged member of the international community and to build a closer relation ship with the U.S. while threatening to overtake Taiwan by force. The U.S. should uphold its nonnegotiable principles and make it clear to the Chinese leaders that without initiating democratization, any cordial relation ship is impossible. The real progress in China is not the change of leadership in the communist party; it is the much-needed constitutional reform.

중국의 강대국화 전략과 한·일 관계

문흥호 한양대학교 아태지역연구센터 2010 중소연구 Vol.34 No.3

In a world in which the United States holds a preponderance of power, how does China design a grand strategy to advance its security interests? How does China’s grand strategy affect Korea-Japan relations? This article identifies the perimeters of China's grand strategy and its impact on Korea-Japan relations. China is pursuing a grand strategy that combines elements of internal and external ones. The internal strategy aims to increase China’s relative power through economic development, but one with its emphasis on the eradication of income gap between regions (urban vs. rural) and social classes and on sustainability, stability, and distribution. The case in point was the fifth plenary session of the 17th Central Committee of the Communist Party of China, in which the Chinese leadership put a special emphasis on the stability and solidarity of the economic system and de- monstrated its strong will to convert the wealth of a nation into the wealth of people. The external strategy is designed to limit or frustrate U.S. policy initia- tives deemed detrimental to Chinese interests through the reorganization of the US-led unipolar system and the promotion of the ‘Beijing Consensus.’ For Beijing, China’s external strategy can be best ensured by pushing for the issues on Taiwan and Tibet and the dispute over the Diaoyudao island chain claimed by both Japan and China. China’s grand strategy has a resounding impact on the politico-economic order in the East Asian region. Both Korea and Japan are urged to carefully study China’s grand strategy. First, Korea and Japan are advised to weaken their nationalism and patriotism, to tame hegemonic intentions, and to draw up measures to stimulate the development of ‘East Asian community.’ Second, it behooves both Korea and Japan to promote the bilateral∕multilateral talks for a peaceful resolution of territory∕sovereignty issues and to refrain from politicization of these issues. A sincere discussion on the peaceful development and use of EEZ around the Diaoyudao area is particularly in need. Third, both Korea and Japan need to keep an eye on the recent trend of China’s unstable internal politics- democratization, religion, human rights, secession movement of minorities- and prepare for the possibility of these factors' negative impact on East Asia. Of course, the various types of cooperation between Korea and Japan regarding China’s rapid rise should center around coexistence and co-prosperity of East Asia and not deterrence of China’s rise. In other words, future relations between Korea and Japan are to maintain spirit of stimulation of peace and stability in East Asia and to reject political, self-fulfilling approach. Cooperation between Korea and Japan should thus focus on neighborly friendship, stability, and co-prosperity of East Asia. If not, cooperation between Korea and Japan will only reconfirm ‘同床異夢’ of Korea, Japan, China. In the same bed but with different dreams, as the Chinese saying would have it. 중국이 추진하는 국가대전략의 목표는 30여년의 개혁개방 성과를 국가의 부강과 민족의 진흥으로 연계시켜 명실상부한 강대국화를 실현하는 것이다. 우선 대내적으로 기존의 성장 위주 발전전략을 안정과 분배에 중점을 두는 지속가능한 발전전략으로 전환함으로써 급속한 경제성장 과정에서 초래된 계층·지역·도농간의 빈부 격차와 갈등을 완화하고자 한다. 중국공산당 제17기 5중전회에서 강조된 ‘민생 보장’, ‘사회 정의’의 실현은 그동안 축적된 ‘국부’(國富)를 ‘민부’(民富)로 전환시켜 체제의 안정과 결속을 강화하려는 강한 의지의 표현이다. 대외적으로는 미국 중심의 일방적, 단극적 유일 패권체제의 재편과 국제적 영향력 확대, 중국적 발전방식과 가치의 확산을 목표로 하고 있다. 중국의 이러한 대외전략은 특히 대만·티베트문제, 동중국해·남중국해 영유권 분규 등 주권·영토와 관련된 사안에서 보다 공세적으로 전개되고 있다. 중국의 강대국화 의지와 전략은 동아시아 역내 질서변화에 심대한 영향을 미칠 것이며 따라서 한국과 일본은 이에 대한 면밀한 검토와 대응 방안을 강구해야 한다. 이와 관련하여 한·일 양국은 첫째, 중국의 강대국화 추진 과정에서 나타나는 배타적 민족주의, 애국주의, 패권주의적 움직임을 순화하고 중장기적으로 ‘동아시아 공동체’ 형성을 촉진하기 위한 방안을 모색해야 한다. 둘째, 영토·주권문제의 평화적 해결을 위한 양자, 다자간 협의를 추진하고 이들 사안의 ‘국내 정치화’를 최대한 억제해야 한다. 특히 한·중·일 3국간 배타적 경제수역(EEZ)의 평화적 이용과 공동 자원개발 범위를 확대하고 중·일의 댜오위다오 영유권 및 부근 해역의 자원개발과 관련된 대립을 해소하기 위한 구체적 논의를 추진해야 한다. 셋째, 민주화, 종교, 인권, 소수민족 분리 독립 움직임 등 중국이 직면한 대내적 체제불안 요인의 향배를 주시하고 이들 문제가 동아시아의 심각한 불안정 요인으로 확산될 가능성에 대비해야 한다. 다만 중국의 강대국화에 대응한 다양한 범위의 한․일 협력은 중국의 부상을 일방적으로 견제하는 데 주안점을 두기보다는 궁극적으로 동아시아 상생·공영의 긍정적 요인으로 활용한다는 점을 대전제로 신중하게 추진되어야 한다. 이는 곧 한·일협력의 내용과 목표가 역내 평화·안정의 촉진이라는 기본정신을 유지하고 협력의 ‘실효성’과 ‘실천 가능성’을 제고하는 동시에 각국의 정치적 요인을 고려한 선언적, 자기 희망적 접근을 자제해야 한다는 것을 의미한다. 결국 한․일협력은 중국이 주변국에 대한 외교정책 기조로 설정하고 있는 선린(睦隣), 안정(安隣), 공영(富隣)을 궁극적 목표로 추진되어야 하며 그렇지 않을 경우 오히려 한․중․일 삼국의 ‘동상이몽’(同床異夢)을 재확인하고 갈등을 유발하는 부정적 요인으로 작용할 것이다.

중국의 대한반도 전략과 우리의 대중국 전략

이장호 한국해양안보포럼 2022 한국해양안보논총 Vol.5 No.1

In this study, bilateral relations have developed rapidly since the establishment of diplomatic ties between Korea and China in August 1992, and China’s rapid rise in Northeast Asia is a remarkable phenomenon in international politics. Korea’s Greater Power Strategy and National Security Response were analyzed, and Korea’s Response Strategy to China was presented as follows. First, China’s strategy to seize the initiative and suppress the influence of the United States while forcing the maximization of national interests in Northeast Asia by analyzing China’s Northeast Asian policy stance, it is necessary to prepare the most appropriate response system. Second, China’s strategic understanding of the Korean peninsula We need to clearly understand and prepare for China’s intention to expand its influence on the Korean Peninsula by confirming the relationship in the Northeast Asian policy framework and using its position as a great power based on its rapidly growing economic power both internally and externally. Third, it is necessary to recognize the reality of Korea-China relations Although it is 30 years before the establishment of diplomatic ties, we face that the aftereffects of the THAAD conflict, economic retaliation, and efforts to denuclearize and denuclearize are almost at a formal level. A joint response strategy should be maintained at the level of the ROK-U.S. alliance. Therefore, our strategy toward China requires a strategic response that forms a flexible strategic partnership with China while avoiding the United States or China from standing at a selective crossroads due to unilateral choice based on the strong ROK-U.S. alliance as the main axis.

한중관계 30년 역사와 ‘북한 문제’에서의 중국 역할

이동률 현대중국학회 2022 現代中國硏究 Vol.24 No.1

This article aims to review the process of forming and expanding China's role in North Korea issue, which has become a major variable in South Korea's diplomacy with China and Korea-China relations over the past 30 years since diplomatic relations between Korea and China. In addition, this article try to examine how the North Korean issue has played a role in the ups and downs of Korea-China relations over the past 30 years and approach the background and substance of the controversy over the role of China in the North Korean issue. Since the establishment of diplomatic relations, the "North Korea issue" has emerged in Korea-China relations, which the two countries must inevitably discuss and cooperate. In the process, Korea has been inspired and developed by the Chinese role on the North Korean issue as a series of situations in which Korea expects and asks China for cooperation, encouraged by the rapid development of Korea-China relations. As a result, the ‘North Korean variable’ expanded abnormally in the development of bilateral relations after the establishment of diplomatic ties, and South Korea has placed a priority on China's role of North Korean issue in diplomacy with China. On the other hand, China sought a limited role when the North Korean issue seriously challenged its security or threatened to weaken its influence on the Korean Peninsula. China's influence on North Korea is evident, and it is difficult to deny China's role in North Korea nuclear issue. However, Korea has raised hopeful expectations in a situation where there are not many means to lead the “Chinese role”. 이 글은 한중수교 이후 지난 30년 한국의 대중외교와 한중관계에서 북한 문제가 주요 변수가 되고, 북한 문제에서의 중국 역할이 형성, 확장되는 과정을 복기한다. 아울러 지난 30년 한중관계의 기복에 북한 문제가어떠한 작용을 하였는지도 검토하여 이를 통해 북한 문제의 중국 역할에대한 논란의 배경과 실체에 접근하고자 한다. 수교 이후 한중관계에서는양국이 불가피하게 논의하고 협력해야 하는 ‘북한 문제’ 가 불거졌으며 이과정에서 한국은 한중관계의 비약적 발전에 고무되어 중국의 협력을 기대하고 요청하는 일련의 상황이 전개되면서 북한문제에서의 ‘중국 역할론’이잉태되고 발전되어 왔다. 수교와 수교 직후의 한중 양국의 전략적 동상이몽이 결과적으로 이후 양국관계 발전에서 북한 변수가 기형적으로 확장되고 한국은 대중국외교에서 북한 문제에 대한 중국 역할을 견인하는 것을우선하는 패턴이 자리 잡게 된 것이다. 반면에 중국은 북한 문제로 인해자국 안보가 심각하게 도전받거나 또는 한반도에서의 자국의 영향력이 약화될 우려가 있을 때 제한적으로 역할을 모색했다. 북한에 대한 중국의영향력은 분명히 존재하고 북핵 해법을 모색하는 데 있어 중국의 역할 또한 부정키 어려운 것이 현실이다. 그런데 한국은 ‘중국 역할’을 견인할 수있는 수단이 많지 않은 상황에서 희망적 기대를 키워왔다.

시진핑 시기 중·러 전략적 협력의 한계: 2022년 우크라이나 사태에 관한 중국의 대응을 중심으로

황상필 한국아시아학회 2022 아시아연구 Vol.25 No.2

China and Russia have strengthened cooperation in response to American hegemony. In particular, “America First,” which has recently become more pronounced, is a factor that strengthens the close relationship between China and Russia. As structural factors, such as intensifying U.S.-China strategic competition and American pressure on Russia will be challenging to resolve for some time, the strategic cooperation between China and Russia, which is mediated by the American factor, will continue. However, there are intrinsic limitations in specific strategies for cooperation between the two countries, such as differences in strategy against the U.S., historically-formed mutual distrust, and the possibility of a confrontation between Xi Jinping's "Qiangjun Meng" and Putin's "Strong Russia." Given the circumstances, China's response to the 2022 Ukrainian crisis can be seen as a representative example of the latent limitations in strategic cooperation between China and Russia. Concerning the Ukraine Crisis, China displays two sides: It has formally strengthened its cooperation with Russia but, in practice, it has avoided the international community's theory of Chinese responsibility and has refrained from an all-around cooperation with Russia. Focusing on these points, this study examines the limitations inherent in the cooperation by analyzing China's response to the recent Ukraine Crisis, despite the incentive for cooperation to check American hegemony jointly. As a result, the Sino-Russian relationship seems to have limitations for reaching the level of alliance by further strengthening all-around cooperation. This can be seen in the following three factors: First, China, which has to protect its own interests from American pressure and checks, wants to avoid unnecessary misunderstandings and conflicts with the U.S. based on cooperation with Russia. Therefore, China may adjust the scope of cooperation with Russia according to the changes in relations with the U.S; second, as China wants to expand its influence in the international community, cooperation with Putin, who dreams of an assertive Russia, may become an obstacle. In particular, China and Russia envision different futures regarding their status and role within the changing international order; third, there is a possibility of restrictions on the economic win-win between China and Russia. While China's economic development strategy depends on its success or failure in continuous integration with the global economy and stable cooperation with the U.S. and Western markets, Russian factors may hinder it.

중국의 주변지역전략과 대동남아정책의새로운 조정

이희옥 한양대학교 아태지역연구센터 2011 중소연구 Vol.35 No.2

이 글은 중국이 주변지역전략을 중시함에 따라 동남아에서의 정책조정의 성과와 한계를 분석했다. 특히 동남아국가를 양자관계나 ASEAN을 단일범주로 하는 방식을 벗어나 중범위수준에서 재분류하여 좀 더 동태적인 양상을 분석하고자 했다. 중국은 부상하는 힘을 바탕으로 세계전략의 교두보를 확보하기 위해 주변지역을 적극적으로 주목했고, 이중에서도 대부분의 국경을 접하고 있는 동남아지역에 대한 맞춤형 정책을 추진했다. 더구나 이 지역은 미국이 동아시아로 복귀하면서 미중간 이익이 중첩되면서 보다 동아시아 세력경쟁을 보는 창이 되었다. 중국은 이 지역의 영토문제에 대해서는 비타협적인 태도를 취하면서도 정치안보협력, 경제협력, 소프트파워를 강화하는 전방위적 정책을 구사했다. 그 결과 동남아 국가들의 중국위협론에 대한 우려를 상당히 약화시켰고 동남아 국가들도 중국과의 협력에 적극적으로 나섰다. 그러나 이러한 중국의 적극적인 동남아 주변지역전략의 성공에도 불구하고 여전히 중국의 새로운 정책목표와 실질적인 양상에서는 불일치가 나타났다. 이것은 중국요인도 있으나, 동남아 국가들이 미중간 균형을 통해 국가이익과 지역이익을 극대화하려는 요인도 동시에 작동했다. 따라서 향후 중국의 동남아 주변지역전략은 미국의 개입과 동남아 국가들의 헤징전략에 따라 후퇴와 전진을 반복하는 복잡한 과정에 접어들 것으로 보았다. This article aims at the analysis of China’s policies toward strategic neighbors, especially Southeast Asia. In order to ensure the bridgehead of long-term global strategy, China has demonstrated policy interests toward neighbors states, among which it has paid much attention to the Southeast Asia, with most countries bordering on China. Especially this region has become a significant one of vital interests between U.S and China, after U.S’s return to East Asia, In this region, although it adopts an uncompromising attitude about the territorial dispute, China has succeeded in strengthening political, economic and soft power. As a result, the Southeast Asian countries’ concern with “China’s threat” have been cleared up considerably and those countries are cooperating with China actively. However, though this kind of vigorous Southeast Asia strategy has proved successful, there remains some kind of perception and expectation gaps. There is China factor here, but another crucial factor is that the Southeast Asian countries are intended to maximize national and regional interests by adopting hedging strategy between the U.S. and China. Therefore it can be forecast that in the future China’s Southeast Asia strategy will undergo up and downs, progress and recessions.

중국의 군사적 대국화에 따른 동북아 정세변화 분석: 한국과 미국의 대응전략을 중심으로

홍성후,허태응 한국동북아학회 2013 한국동북아논총 Vol.18 No.1

This study is to analyse the Big Militarism of China, which influenced the status-quo of east-north Asia around the Korean Peninsular. People's Republic of China has brought surprisingly fast economic development since Deng Xiaoping who was a leader in People's Republic of China at the end of 1970 and adapted market economic reform. China has become more and more as a important nation in all the world as well as Asia. China has continuously invested the revenue in military improvement on the basis on the rapidly expanding revenue sources since 1990. The nation made a major gains. It is raising concern that China wants to fill out a gap of power which was formed with reduction of US and Russia's influence about East Asia and to solve complex problems at home and abroad throughout a provocative act from the outside world. In recent, China is constantly pushing the policy to hold the command of the East China Sea and South China Sea. It can be seen as a possibility that China strategically pursuits the 2nd cut which links Guam, Saipan and Indonesia by March, 2020. It may be the purpose for hegemony and domination country by invasion and colonization by showing the change from Dao Guang Yang Hui to You Suo Zuo Wei and by escalating tension in Northeast Asia. It shows that US pursues a strategy for restraining the policy of china throughout alliances among countries. It has clarified that US sets up the Asia and Pacific region as "Critical region" for US security strategy and will readjust the balance of power in the new defence strategy. It shows that Korea is confronting with getting over huge changing waves in Pacific region by the relation change between US and China. Now, It is impossible that Korea itself neuters China's hegemony strategy. The study looks a new defense strategy about the topic of "Sustaining US Global Leadership : Priorities for 21st Century Defense which US focuses on the Middle East and Northeast Asia. US announced that the new defense strategy will be operated with agility, flexibly and for the full range of contingencies in strengthening and maintaining defense forces considering inevitable defense budget cuts in the future. US government tried to besiege China through a few of silent alliance treaties such as US-Korea alliance treaty, US-Japan treaty and US Indo nuclear treaty. Inversely China makes head against US strategy through the joint cooperation with Russia. This author declared that South Korea should counter the Big Militarism of China by two principles such as US-Korean Alliance treaty and Self-diplomatic capability increase. This study suggested that the Korea-US alliance has to be considered as "an assets for security" and increases the Global Security. 탈냉전 이후 미국의 군사력에 대적할 국가는 없는 듯이 보였다. 하지만 급속한 경제성장을 이룬 중국은 21세기 들어 서서히 미국의 군사력에 도전하는 양상을 보이고 있다. 특히, 한반도가 포함된 동북아 지역은 중국의 군사력에 직접 노출되는 지역으로, 한반도 주변해역에서 남중국해에 이르는 광대한 지역에서 미국과 중국은 갈등관계에 놓여 있다. 더욱이 일본이 미일동맹을 바탕으로 중국을 겨냥한 군사력 증강에 나섬으로써 동북아에서는 군사적 갈등은 더욱 첨예화 되고 있다. 본 논문은 이러한 문제의식 하에 중국의 군사력과 전략을 분석하고, 이에 대한 미국의 대응 전략을 살펴봄으로써 우리의 대응 방향을 모색하고자 한다. 중국은 자국의 국력이 미국을 따라 잡을 때까지는 다음의 두 가지 원칙을 고수하며 군사적 패권주의를 추구할 것이다. 하나는 미국과의 직접적인 전쟁을 회피하는 것이고, 또 하나는 미국과의 경제협력을 바탕으로 중국의 성공적인 경제발전을 지속하는 것이다. 이에 대한 미국의 대응 전략은 4가지로 요약할 수 있다. 첫째 중국의 패권적 외교 저지, 둘째 중국과의 대화와 경제 협력 지속, 셋째 미국의 지역안보 동맹관계 재조정, 끝으로 중국에 대한 포위 외교전략 추진이다. 미국은 세계패권유지를 위해 아시아 방어가 중요하다는 새로운 국가전략을 수립했다. 즉 아시아의 새로운 강자 중국을 미국이 사전에 견제하고 포위하려는 공세적 국방정책을 마련하였다. 그러나 중국을 봉쇄하고자 하는 미국의 전략은 일본의 재무장을 허용함으로써 아시아 국가들에게 일본 군국주의 부활에 대한 의혹을 갖게 하였다. 한편 동북아의 군사대국으로 성장하는 중국에 대한 우리나라의 대응전략은 두 가지 원칙하에 추진되고 있다. 하나는 한미 동맹을 굳건히 유지시키는 것이고, 다른 하나는 한국과 중국의 우호증진을 위해서 한국의 자주외교역량을 강화하는 것이다. 이 원칙들은 한국정부가 최근 중국의 군사대국화 현상을 대처하는 과정에서도 유효하였다. 중국의 군사적 패권정책과 일본의 재무장은 모두 아시아의 갈등 요인이다. 따라서 중국이 군사적 패권주의에서 벗어나, 진정한 평화대국으로 성장하고, 미국 또한 일본을 앞세운 대중국 봉쇄정책을 수정할 때만이 세계 평화는 지켜질 수 있다.

China-Korea Trade and Investment Development and Free Trade Area(FTA) Prospects

Kang Xie 한국무역학회 2003 한국무역학회 국제학술대회 Vol.2003 No.10

Since Aug.24, 1992 when the diplomatic relations between China and Korea was established, China and Korea trade and investment has been developed rapidly. Complementarity, co-existence and competitiveness all exist, however, Complementarity is more important than competitiveness. So if China and Korea co-operated well, two countries would have good future. China and Korea trade and investment is closely connected with the regional integration. Recently, the whole world has entered the new stage (new generation) of bilateral and multilateral FTA. In Asia, ASEAN and the North Asia area have been the two important economic regions. China-Japan-Korea FTA has its inevitable trend. However, it takes much time. In the realistic world it is necessary to lay stress on China-Korea FTA, China-Japan FTA and Korea-Japan FTA. Among them we should discuss the China-Korea FTA first. The establishment of the China-Korea FTA has its advantages and disadvantages, however the advantages will exceed the disadvantages. The deepening development of the China-Korea FTA depends on the development of the Northeast China Area, practice experiences of 10 + 1 and CEPA, and supports of the governments. The China-Korea FTA starts from industrial co-operations, enlarging new investment areas, developing the Northeast China Area and the political role of governments. The China-Korea FTA can be predicable and will establish the firm foundation for China-Japan-Korea FTA.

China's New Role in the Region of the Middle East: A Policy Debate

Chuchu Zhang,Chaowei Xiao 인하대학교 국제관계연구소 2019 Pacific Focus Vol.34 No.2

Along with China’s growing presence and interests in the Middle East, Bei-jingfinds it increasingly challenging to sit on the sidelines of regional con-flicts and tensions and has called for establishing China’s new role in theregion. By adopting content analysis to examine 53 articles written by Chi-nese elites, this study analyzes how the concept of China’s new role in theMiddle East is understood by this group. In particular, it addresses the fol-lowing questions: What is new about China’s new role? What are the pol-icy debates of Chinese elites? And, has China’s policy fundamentallychanged or not? This studyfinds that the concept of“China’s new role inthe Middle East”is still under heated debate. This concerns what extent,and in which aspects, China should abandon the non-interference and non-involvement policy in the Middle East; whether China should identify itselfas an order participant or order shaper; and which countries China shouldattach most importance to when conducting role adjustment in the region.The article alsofinds that China’s elites and decision makers oscillatebetween prioritizing China’s economic interests and geopolitical concernswith respect to this issue. This argument is tested by using the ordinaryleast squares model. The article concludes that the new role is too vagueto be institutionalized at this stage, which reflects China’s dilemmabetween expanding its influence and discursive power in the Middle East’srule-setting, and trying to maintain its current risk-aversion policy by notturning any Middle Eastern country or major international player in theregion, such as the United States, into a hostile force.

China's Core Interests and Dilemma in Foreign Policy Practice

Jinghao Zhou 인하대학교 국제관계연구소 2019 Pacific Focus Vol.34 No.1

Although the term“China’s core interests”appeared in Chinese media inthe early 2000s, the notion of China’s core interests has recently becomethe principle of Chinese foreign policy as part of the China Dream underthe Xi Jinping administration. Guided by the principle of China’s coreinterests, has China achieved expected results of the foreign policy prac-tice? The recent development of China’s relations with the internationalsociety, especially with the West, does not support a positive answer. Ques-tions raised here are: If China continues to stick with the principle ofChina’s core interests, how does China play it out in dealing with interna-tional relations? Is it necessary for China to reinterpret its core interests inits foreign policy practice in order to better serve the win–win cooperationwithin the liberal international order? This paper will address these ques-tions by examining the relationship between the notion of China’s coreinterests and its foreign policy practice, and argue that China couldworsen its foreign relations if it were to overemphasize the principle ofChina’s core interests in foreign policy practice. China should revisit thenotion of its core interests and modify it in order to handle serious chal-lenges from the international society.