일본사회의 다문화화와 공공영역의 대응

황성빈(Seongbin Hwang),김태은 한국언론학회 2015 한국언론학회 심포지움 및 세미나 Vol.2015 No.6

동상이몽?: 중국인 관광객을 향한 일본 미디어의 시선과 재현

황성빈(Seongbin Hwang) 서울대학교 아시아연구소 2016 아시아리뷰 Vol.6 No.1

이 글은 중국인 관광객을 보도하는 일본 주요 언론의 시선과, 이러한 언론의 보도에 반응하며 독자적인 담론이 전개되는 인터넷 공간에 주목했다. 분석 대상으로는 대표적 신문과 방송, 그리고 주간지 등도 포함해, 분석 대상과 주제에 대한 일본사회와 언론의 다양한 입장성(positionality)을 파악하고, 아울러 다양한 입장과 시선이 서로 어떠한 영향관계에 있는지를 고찰하고자 했다. 분석 결과, 주요 언론과 인터넷 담론의 공간에 존재하는 시선과 입장의 다양성에도 불구하고 공유되고 있는 부분이 존재했다. 또한, 기존 미디어 공간에 인터넷 공간이 가세함으로써, 이 글에서 분석 개념으로 제시한 ‘다테마에(建前)’와 ‘혼네(本音)’의 공간 역학에서는, ‘혼네’의 담론 영역이 그 영향력을 확대해 가고 있음을 확인할 수 있었다. 아울러 중국인 관광객을 바라보는 일본 사회와 언론의 시선 자체가 그들을 타자화하고 있는 것이 확인되었다. 중국인 관광객을 타자화하고, 그 타자를 응시함으로써 확인되는 것은 ‘우리들’의 확실성이고, 그 연장선 속에서 우리끼리의 혼네 또는 속내 공간이 확산되고 있는 것을 발견했다. There has been a significant increase of news reports that feature Chinese tourists in Japan since 2012, when Japanese government started monetary easing to significantly devalue the Japanese Yen. However, it is a very peculiar phenomenon to have so many news reports focusing on tourists from a specific nation, China. Why do the Japanese media and its digital public fix their eyes on the Chinese tourists, not the Koreans, the Taiwanese or the European tourists? This paper analyzes Japanese mainstream media’s representation of the Chinese tourists and the Japanese digital public’s gaze on them. Analyzed sources include not only the mainstream newspapers and TV channels, but also the lowbrows such as the weeklies and the tabloids, and various news sites and Blogs etc. on the Internet. The aim is to identify various opinions and positionalities regarding the subject matter, i.e. Japan’s China or Japanese perception of China/Chinese in relation to their own self-portrait, or self-image. Based on the findings from the analysis, this study argues that the gaze itself by Japanese media and its public on the Chinese tourists can be explained not only as a mechanism of othering China and the Chinese, but also as a process of construction of Japanese as the national subject, distinguished and differentiated from the other, the Chinese. In the process, the relation between the viewer and the viewed has been reversed: the viewed were not the Chinese tourists, but the Japanese. By gazing them through the various papers and monitors, what was actually looked at was the self, the Japanese and the undoubtedness of “us” and “our superiority” over the other, the Chinese. As for mutual penetration between the traditional media and the digital media space, there are something definitely shared through the dynamics of discourse, despite the diversity of the gaze and positionalities that are found both in the traditional media and the digital media space. Again, through the discursive practices that are analyzed here, it has been observed that honne 本音 space and its power has been widened and salient in the geography of news media and public opinion in Japan.

연구논문 : NHK공공방송의 “정치적 독립 및 중립”을 둘러싼 일본 언론의 분극화현상에 관한 연구 -주요 신문의 사설 분석

황성빈 ( Seongbin Hwang ) 국민대학교 일본학연구소 2015 일본공간 Vol.17 No.-

이 글에서는 일본의 주요 신문의 사설에서 공공방송 NHK의 정치적 독립 및 정치적 중립의 문제가 어떻게 논의되어왔는지를 검토했다. 이를 위해 각 신문의 데이터베이스를 이용해 ‘NHK’를 포함하는 사설을 추출해 담론분석을 시도했다. 분석 결과는 다음과 같다. 1980년대부터 현재에 이르기까지 NHK를 둘러싼 문제는 꾸준히 주요 신문의관심의 대상이 되었지만, 그 문제의 대부분은 NHK의 경영을 둘러싼 것이었고, 공공방송으로서의 정치적 독립의 문제에 대해서는, 90년대 이전까지만 해도 각 신문사의 입장 차이가 현저히 드러나지는 않았던 것을 알 수 있었다. 90년대 이전에도 리버럴신문과 보수신문의 사이에는 공공방송의 정치적 중립 등 방송법의 조항에 대한 해석에서 미묘한 차이를 노정하기는 했으나, 그 차이가 전면화되어 논쟁의 대상이 되지는 않았다. 이를 둘러싼 리버럴신문과 보수신문과의 입장 차이가 전면화된 것은 공교롭 게도 ‘역사 인식’의 문제, 그것도 이른바 ‘위안부’ 문제, 즉 ‘전시 성폭력’의 문제를 둘러싸고였다. 본문에서 살펴본 바와 같이 NHK의 정치적 중립, 공평을 둘러싼 논의가 격화된 것은 2005년과 2007년, 2013년이었는데 모두 ‘위안부’ 문제를 둘러싼 대립이 그 배경에 있었다. 즉 다시 말해서 ‘위안부’ 문제는 공공방송 NHK와 정치와의 관계를 둘러싼 논쟁에서 그 중심에 있었고, 보수신문 측은 ‘역사수정주의’의 운동을 전개하는 데 있어서 ‘위안부 문제’를 그 전위로서 활용해온 측면이 있었던 것이었고, 전후 민주주의를 상징하는 제도로서의 공공방송=NHK는 ‘위안부 문제’를 전위로서 역사수정주의를 전개하는 보수, 우경화의 소용돌이 속에서 그 자유주의적 성격이 형해화 되는 과정을 경험해왔다고 볼 수 있겠다. This paper analyzed how Japanese major newspapers have defined and discussed NHK=the public broadcaster’s norm and responsibility from 1980s now on. For this purpose, I have collected the editorials that included ‘NHK’ using the database of each newspaper, and carried out a discourse analysis on the editorials, focusing on the difference between the liberals(the Asashi and the Mainich) and the conservatives(the Yomiuri and the Sankei). From 1980s to 1990s, the main issue regarding NHK had been its organizational and channel expansion, while political independence and impartiality issue was not a hot-debated issue regardless of the ideological difference between the two camps. However, since late 1990s, some delicate but significant differences between the two camps became noticeable with regard to the public broadcaster’s responsibility on political impartiality and fairness in the Japanese public sphere. The liberal papers interpreted the doctrines based on the liberal model, but the conservatives had different perceptions of the same doctrine following the government model. Ironically enough, it has been around the historical issue, especially about ‘the comfort women system’ by the imperial Japanese army that the controversy became extensive between the two camps. When, the controversy around the public broadcaster’s political independence and impartiality became fierce in 2005, 2007 and 2013, the comfort women issue was in the background, or in the center.In other words, the history problem has occupied the central positions in the controversy about the public broadcaster’s norm and responsibility. The paper argued that “the culture war” erupted by the conservative side, which claims to “historical revisionism”, have also been imposed on the discussion about the norms and responsibility of the public broadcaster. In the vortex, the liberal definition of public broadcasting that have been formed after the war and have symbolized the postwar democracy of Japan became a mere facade.

살몬색 조기개화성 중대형 겹꽃 절화용 디스버드 국화 ‘에일린’ 육성

임진희(Jin Hee Lim),황성빈(Seongbin Hwang),이창규(Chang-gyu Lee) 한국원예학회 2016 한국원예학회 학술발표요지 Vol.2016 No.10

Ligand binding inhibitors of A1 adenosine receptor from Rana rugosa are phospholipase A₂s

Baek, Hwa Jin,Kwon, So Yeon,Kim, Sunkyu,Kim, Sukwon S.,Oh, Utaek,Hwang, Seongbin,Chang, Hyeun Wook,Lee, Byeong Jae 영남대학교 약품개발연구소 2000 영남대학교 약품개발연구소 연구업적집 Vol.10 No.-

Inhibitors of the A1 adenosine receptor were isolated from the skin extract of Korean frog. Rana rugosa. The frog-skin extract was prepared by an electrical shock and fractionated with C_(4) followed by C_(?) reverse-phase HPLC. Two A1 receptor inhibitors were isolated using a filter binding assay and the molecular masses of the proteins were estimated by matrix-assisted laser desorption ionization time-of-flight mass spectrometry to be 15 347 and 15 404 Da, respectively. The inhibitory activity was also measured against other membrane receptors, such as the A2 adenosine receptor, muscarinic acetylcholine receptor and capsaicin receptor. Ligand binding to the A2 and muscarinic receptors was also severely inhibited by these proteins. However, they did not inhibit the functional activation of the capsaicin receptor by its ligand, capsaicin, suggesting that inhibition of ligand-receptor binding occurs specifically. Their N-terminal sequences were determined by Edman degradation. Surprisingly, they showed sequence similarity to the secretory protein, phospholipase A_(2) from various organisms. The phospholipase A_(2) activity of both proteins was ttested using Dole's assay technique. Both proteins showed phospholipase A_(2) activity, and therefore, they were designated as PLA_(2)-R1 and PLA_(2)-R2, respectively. In addition, their ligand-binding inhibitory activity depended on their phospholipase A_(2) activity. This is the first finding that the frog secretes a phospholipase A_(2) similar to that of snake venoms, which posess inhibitory activity against the adenosine A1, adenosine A2 and musearinic receptors.