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하원수 ( Won Soo Ha ) 성균관대학교 대동문화연구원 2012 大東文化硏究 Vol.80 No.-
사(士)는 진한(秦漢) 시기의 관료체제(官僚體制) 안에서 관(官)과 민(民) 사이의 애매한 중간적 존재였고, 선거(選擧)를 통해 서민(庶民)에서 관인(官人)으로 옮겨가는 과정에 있던 이들을 곧잘 이렇게 불렀다. 따라서 관인 선발제도는 사(士)의 성격과 불가분의 관계에 있었으며, 한위교체기(漢魏交替期)에 출 현한 구품중정제(九品中正制)가 이들의 位相에 큰 영향을 미쳤다. 이 문제에 대한 일본 학계의 연구는 대체로 일관된 경향을 드러낸다. 위진남북조(魏晉南北朝) 시기의 士는 우월한 가문을 자부하던 문벌(門閥)로서의 ``귀족`` ``貴族)``이 중심이었고, 국가권력으로부터 자율성을 가진 이들의 ``귀족정치(貴族政治)``가 기본적으로 당대(唐代)까지 이어지며 하나의 ``시대(時代)``的 특징을 갖는다는 것 이다. 일본적(日本的)인 관점이 뚜렷한 내등호남(內藤湖南)의 시대구분론(時代區分論)으로부터 비롯된 이러한 연구 경향은 궁기시정(宮崎市定)의 구품중정제(九品中正制)에 관한 독창적 연구로써 중요한 논거를 마련한 것처럼 보인다. 그러나 이와 다른 시각에서 위진남북조(魏晉南北朝) 시기의 사(士)를 이해하여 볼 가능성도 있다. 구품중정제(九品中正制)는 중정품(中正品)을 가졌으나 아직 공식적 관인(官人)으로 출사(出仕)하지 않은 이들을 전국 각지에 다수 배출하였고, 관(官)과 민(民) 사이의 존재로서 ``공인된 사(士)``가 증가·확산되었기 때문이다. 이들을 중심으로 위진남북조(魏晉南北朝) 시기 士의 특성이 형성되었다면, 이 시기의 士는 결코 국가권력으로부터 자유로울 수 없었다. 또 구품중정제(九品中正制)에서 3품 이하의 중정품(中正品)을 받은 사(士)들이 다수 존재하였으리라고 생각되므로, 이 시기 사(士)의 일반적 성격을 극소수 특정 가문 위주로 설명하여서도 안 된다. 이러한 입장에서 볼 때, 종래 ``귀족주의(貴族主義)``적(的)으로 해석되어 왔던 당시 상황을 아래에서부터 올라오는 사(士)를 중심으로 재검토해 볼 필요가 있다. 아직 좀 더 치밀한 연구를 기다 리는 이 시론(試論)에서도, 일본 학계에 일반화된 ``귀족제론(貴族制論)``의 문제점이 잘 드러나기 때 문이다. 문벌(門閥) 중심의 논의에서 벗어나 상대적으로 정치사회적 지위가 미미하였던 사(士)의 계기적 발전 과정에 통시적으로 접근할 때, 위진남북조(魏晉南北朝) 시기 士의 성격이 더욱 명확해질 것이다. A shi (사)(士) was a vague being between an officer and a commoner in the advanced bureaucratic system of the Qin-Han Dynasties. One who was in the process of seeking a government post through chaju(찰거) (察擧) was usually called as a shi. Therefore, the characteristics of the shi as a social group were much related with the government official recruitment institutions, and the Nine Rank System(구품중정제) (九品中正制) established in transition time between the Han and the Wei greatly influenced the nature of the shi after the Three Kingdoms in China. The Japanese learned circles of Chinese history has had a consistent tendencyon on this theme. Focusing on the prominent families which were conceptualized as "kizoku(귀족) (貴族) ", i.e. autonomous aristocrats, they emphasized that both the Period of Disunity and the Tang Dynasty were basically ruled by this kizoku, and distinguished it from the dynasties ruled by autonomous emperors after the Song. This kind of studies is originated from the periodization of Naito Konan, a Japan-centered scholar in the very subtle Sino-Japanese relations and complemented logically by Miyazaki Ichisada`s creative study on the Nine Rank System. But we may get our own point of view on the shi in the Period of Disunity. The Nine Rank System generated many who got a grade(품) (品) given by zhongzheng(중정) (中正) in every county. They needed time and procedures to take a government post, and it must have resulted in the increase and spread of the shi officially approved by zhongzheng grade. If we could not neglect these historical conditions of the shi in the Period of Disunity, they would seem not so autonomous. Furthermore, those who received lower grades could be more than whom got higher ones, then it is irrelevant to concentrate research interests to the small number of the kizoku and to generalize the character of the shi at that time. This is why we should have more concerns about the shi who were exerting themselves to get more superior and prestigious positions compared with the previous status between the officers and the commoners. Though this essay is not enough to conclude something concrete on the shi in the Period of Disunity, it reveals the necessities to be released from the Japanese view just focusing on the most prominent ones. The diachronic perspectives can show more of the shi, especially the socio-political development procedures of the relatively lower shi.
과거제도(科擧制度)의 다중성(多重性): 전통(傳統)의 근대적해석(近代的解釋)과 관련한 -시론(試論)
하원수 ( Won Soo Ha ) 수선사학회 2011 史林 Vol.0 No.39
What was written in a published book focused on the keju(科擧) deserves careful consideration to understand its common idea at that time. This is the reason to compare A Study on the Examination System in China( 中國考試制度硏究 ) written by Deng Dingren(鄧定人) and A Monograph on the Examination Systems in Every Dynasties( 歷代貢擧志 ) known as a book of Feng Mengzhen(馮夢禎). The former is considered as the first modern research book on the keju, and the latter is the oldest one still extant on the same topic. Deng`s book characterizes the keju as the examination to select the government officials, and regards it affirmatively as an institution usefully convertible to modern one in a nation-state. All the negative effects of it were due to the emperors which do not exist anymore. But Feng`s book is more critical to the kemu(科 目), another name of the keju at that time. The reason is that it examines the candidates very rigorously, and treats them too differently from the successful candidates who are highly respected. It is not proper because all of them have no difference as a shi(士). Behind its argument, there is an assumption that the keju is not just a method to select government officials by emperors but a matter related with ``tianxia(天下)`` for which the shi is responsible. The considerable gap between the two books` contents implies that the realities of the keju in traditional times could be different from what is interpreted in modern era. Actually, the present notion of the keju is very similar to that of Deng`s book. It emphasizes that the keju was the state institution to select officials by examination. Viewed from this nation-centered standpoint, it is easy to miss some important aspects of the keju realized by the shi who applied for and passed it. Therefore we need to observe multiple aspects of the keju, and it would be helpful to rectify the images of the keju bent by the modern perspective.