역위 매복된 상악 중절치의 자발적 맹출유도

최선아 ( Sun Ah Choi ) , 박헌동 ( Heon Dong Park ) , 홍성수 ( Seong Soo Hong ) , 이상호 ( Sang Ho Lee ) 조선대학교 구강생물학연구소 2004 Oral Biology Research (Oral Biol Res) Vol.28 No.1

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독일의 역사인식 문제 : 바이마르공화국체제와 나치체제에 대한 평가를 중심으로-

최선아(Sun-Ah Choi) 한국사학사학회 2013 韓國史學史學報 Vol.0 No.27

Germany achieved the belated unification in Europe enough to be evaluated to be called ‘tardy national state.’ Accordingly, as a social change was experienced in modern and contemporary era, there was movement of trying to establish their identity in the inside of Germany with strengthening a concept of ‘nation.' Historians in the so-called “Prussian sect” can be said to have established this ‘nationalistic historical view’ in Germany in the mid-19th century. These people emphasized the formation of a nation state with the center on Prussian, which is led to Bismarck's Unification War and to the process of building German nation of focusing on small Germany in 1871. This perspective formed a dominant discourse within Germany as methodology dubbed ‘historicism of focusing on political history.’ By the way, following World War II, Germany's historic consciousness was raised the perspective of trying to deny critical confrontation on the whole context of German history and to analyze the Nazism as ‘accidental case’ within Germany's national history. In other words, German historians rightly after the war denied direct confrontation with the Nazism and the critical evaluation on it. This was the contrasting phenomenon against historic consciousness outside Germany. An issue of historic consciousness on modern and contemporary history has deep relationship with the point of time on the current historical process. Especially, in Germany's modern and contemporary history, each of issues such as two world wars & Weimar parliamentary democratic system, the Nazis & the Holocaust, and issue of punishment on a war criminal can be said to be realistic political issue simultaneously with historical issue. Accordingly, illuminating a flow of modern and contemporary history in German focusing on the issue of the Nazis including the collapse of Weimar parliamentary democracy, which was established following the end of World War I, is one means available for examining the issue of historic consciousness in Germany's historic academic circles. This writing aims to pay attention to interaction between the development in the internal discussion in learning and the ‘memory culture’ in German society, with a change in perspective on a discourse of the Weimar republic system and the conservative revolution, and on the issue of the Nazism and Holocaust, as for a change in German's historic consciousness. 독일은 ‘지각한 민족 국가’라는 평가를 받을 정도로 유럽에서 뒤늦은 통일을 이루었다. 따라서 근현대 시기에 사회 변동을 경험하면서 독일 내부에서는 ‘민족’개념을 강화하는 것으로 자신들의 정체성을 확립하려는 움직임이 있었다. 소위 “프로이센 학파”로 불린 역사학자들이 19세기 중반 이러한 독일의 ‘민족주의 사관’을 정립시켰다고 할 수 있다. 이들은 비스마르크의 통일 전쟁, 1871년의 소독일 중심의 독일 국가 건립 과정 등으로 이어지는 프로이센 중심의 민족 국가 형성을 강조했다. 이러한 관점은 ‘정치사 중심의 역사주의'라는 방법론으로 독일 내에서 지배적인 담론을 이루었다. 그런데 2차 대전 후 독일의 역사 인식은, 독일사의 전체적인 맥락에 대한 비판적인 대면을 부정하고 나치 체제를 독일 민족사 내의 ‘돌발적 사건’으로 해석하려는 관점이 제기되었다. 즉 전쟁 직후 독일 역사가들은 나치 체제와의 직접적인 대면과 그에 대한 비판적 평가를 거부하였던 것이다. 이것은 독일 외부의 역사 인식과 대조적인 현상이었다. 근현대사에 대한 역사 인식의 문제는 현재의 역사 과정에 대한 시점과 관련이 깊다. 특히 독일 근현대사는 양차 대전과 바이마르 의회 민주 체제, 나치와 홀로코스트, 전범(戰犯)에 대한 처벌 문제 등 각 쟁점들이 역사적인 문제인 동시에 현실적인 정치적 문제라 할 수 있다. 따라서 1차 대전 종전 후 수립된 바이마르 의회 민주정의 붕괴와 나치 문제를 중심으로 독일 근현대사의 흐름을 조망하는 것은 독일 역사학계의 역사 인식 문제를 알아볼 수 있는 한 방편이다. 이 글에서는 독일 역사에 대한 인식 변화를 바이마르 공화국 체제와 보수 혁명 담론, 나치 체제와 홀로코스트 문제에 대한 관점의 변화 등으로 학문 내적인 논의의 전개와 독일 사회의 ’기억문화‘ 사이의 상호 작용에 주목하고자 한다.

유합치와 쌍생치에 관한 증례보고

최선아 ( Sun Ah Choi ) , 홍성수 ( Seong Soo Hong ) , 이상호 ( Sang Ho Lee ) , 이창섭 ( Chang Seop Lee ) 조선대학교 구강생물학연구소 2004 Oral Biology Research (Oral Biol Res) Vol.28 No.3

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바이마르 공화국 실업문제와 사회정책 -여성 청소년을 중심으로-

최선아 ( Sun Ah Choi ) 한국서양사학회 2010 西洋史論 Vol.0 No.105

As the political system of Germany shifted from an empire to Weimar Republic, German society pushed ahead with a policy to incorporate contemporary youth into the national system. The Weimar government determined to supervise and control adolescents as one of major social policies, and tried to embrace them in the order of the Republic. The importance of the youth generation was already stressed in that society before World War 1, and that generation was viewed as ones in whom the government should intervene. So the government tried to get teen laborers in control from an educational perspective. The coverage of the social policies was extended to adolescent girls, which contributed to the equity of legislation. Women acquired the franchise along with the establishment of Weimar Republic, and the government started to discuss problems with teen girls as a national policy. In fact, however, the equity of legislation wasn`t actually concomitant with a practical change in social perception or the equity of social rights. Contemporary social policies merely centered around teen boys, and adolescent girls were disregarded and discriminated. Job training programs catered to boys only and dealt with jobs suitable for them. Girls didn`t need to receive compulsory education during a fixed period of time, and no unemployment benefits are provided to them, either. The reason seemed that there was no consensus about view of occupation for teen girls in not only the age of the German Empire but Weimar Republic. Vocational education that targeted adolescent girls merely focused on maternity, regarding them as prospective mothers and homemakers. Some believed women just had to stay at home if national circumstances required it, and others believed they should continue to work as wage earners in the labor market. The two parties didn`t find anycommon ground, which resulted in weakening the historical meaning of contemporary social policies for teen girls. In terms of youth policies and matters related to teen girls in Weimar Republic, the government found it difficult to carry out social policies in a way to ensure gender equity, and there was a broad gap between ideal and reality. That country just made a partial achievement by realizing the equity of legislation.

체육교사 얀(Friedrich Ludwig Jahn)의 활동과 독일 청소년에 대한 인식의 변화

최선아(Sun Ah Choi) 한국독일사학회 2021 독일연구 Vol.- No.46

애국적 동기에서 출발한 얀의 체육사상은 국가주의 운동과 결부되어 체조운동으로 전개되었다. 청소년들은 산업화, 도시화라는 물질주의, 자본주의 앞에 청소년들의 인성, 문화, 공동체가 무시되고, 산업사회가 필요로 하는 노동자를 만들이 위해 이미 갖추어 놓은 교육체계와 틀을 강요받았다. 따라서 청소년들은 기성세대의 사회 질서에서 벗어나 자연을 벗삼고 다양한 문화를 체험하여 ‘신문화’를 창출하려 하였다. 얀은 신체활동을 하는 사람들에게 체조(Turnen)활동이 인간형성의 주요한 부분이고, 이러한 활동은민족적인 성격을 가진 것이어야 한다고 주장했다. 얀은 이와 같은 민족적동질성을 가진 활동이 어느 지역에서나 행하여지게 되면 그 민족은 독립과자유를 얻게 된다고 보았다. 얀은 당시의 시대적인 흐름에 순응하고 하나의통일된 독일을 건설하기 위해서는 기존의 ‘체조(Turnen)운동’과 더불어 독일 대학에 만연되어 있는 지방주의를 타파하여 일체감을 조성시킬 수 있는조직적인 단체의 필요성을 깨닫게 되어 1815년 6월 그의 생각에 같은 뜻을가진 대학생들을 모아 예나 대학에서 부르셴샤프트를 조직하게 되었다. The method of research was mainly literature review, and the discussion will develop according to the background of forming Jahn s ideas on physical education. Turnen exercise that he devised by himself trained German people who were weak and cultivated their patriotic spirit. and the greatest challenge to conservative order in the German Confederation came from students who had been imbued with liberal and nationalist ideals. In addition, by organizing Burschenschaft, Turnen exercise was spread to them and it presented the direction of Burschenschaft later by conducting a campaign and running it with student s sxercise. Dreaming of constitutional government and national unity, these student organized associations known as Burschenschaften.

대불(大佛)로서의 운강 담요오굴 재고(再考)

최선아 ( Choi Sun-ah ) 중앙아시아학회 2020 中央아시아硏究 Vol.25 No.2

This paper attempts to reassess the meaning and function of so-called Five Caves of Tanyao (hereafter Caves) built at the Yungang Grotto in the late fifth century CE. Individually enshrining gigantic statues measuring thirteen to seventeen meters high, the Caves have enjoyed a great deal of scholarly attention over the past century. As they were understood as the visual embodiment of the essence of Northern Wei Buddhism that is often characterized by the famous notion that the “Emperor is the living Tathāgata,” the major issue with regard to the Caves has been centered on the identification of the relationship between the five caves and the five Emperors from Taizu. In the face of the dominant interest, the fact that they were the first colossal statues ever created in China has rarely been discussed in terms of their art historical and religious sense. This paper pays attention to the unusual size of the statues in the Caves, along with other two significant sizes chosen in the series of Buddhist image-making by Emperor Wencheng (r. 452-465). Before Tanyao suggested to Emperor Wencheng to build cave temples at Wuzhou mountain in 460, the Northern Wei emperor had a stone image that should be in the likeness of himself fashioned in 452. Two years later, he ordered to have five gilt-bronze images of Śākyamuni cast, all sixteen feet high, on behalf of the five Emperors from Taizu. By investigating the origin and meaning of the three different sizes―identical to the emperor’s body, sixteen-foot, and colossal―chosen for Buddha images made before and after Wencheng’s reign, this paper argues that the choice of particular sizes in the making of Buddhist images was a serious matter, full of religious and historical connotations. Furthermore, it proposes that the gigantic size was chosen by Tanyao, or Emperor Wencheng, in the diverse backgrounds that cannot be limited to the often-mentioned foreign influence. In addition to the active exchanges between the West and the Northern Wei, this paper argues that the motivation for ancestor worship based on the Tuoba identity served as one of the significant factors in the making of the colossal statues at Yungang

하나의 원류, 다양한 수용: 중국 당대(唐代) 보리서상(菩提瑞像)과 통일신라 석굴암 본존불

최선아 ( Sun Ah Choi ) 미술사와 시각문화학회 2013 미술사와 시각문화 Vol.12 No.-

This paper examines how the famous Buddha statue at the Mahabodhi temple in Bodhgaya, India was differently understood and replicated in Tang China and Unified Silla Korea during the late seventh and eighth centuries. Witnessed by the Chinese pilgrim monk Xuanzang (ca. 602-664) in around 635, the image at the Mahabodhi Temple became a famous object since he returned to China in 645. His travelogue, Da Tang xiyu ji (Record of the Western Regions in the Great Tang), served as the main source of information on the image, triggering a number of travelers to Bodhgaya in the following decades. One of the results of such travels was the importation of sketches and replicas of the image to China by pilgrims and travelers on their way back, as recorded in several writings of the late seventh century. Presumably due to such transmissions, we witness an explosive emergence of the Buddha statues in bhumisparsa mudra in China from the late seventh century, most of which were made modeled after the Bodhgaya statue. Furthermore, the same type of Buddha image appeared in Korea at least from the late seventh century, about which many scholars have understood as the impact of Bodhgaya on Silla directly, or indirectly through China. This paper focuses on two of such replications made in China and Korea respectively. The Chinese case is known as the “Auspicious Image of Bodhgaya/Bodhi Tree” by inscription, and the Korean example is located in the well-known stone grotto Seokguram in Gyeongju. Although the two statues have been regarded as close replications of the image at the Mahabodhi temple sharing the distinctive hand gesture (bhumisparsa mudra), a mudra displayed by the Indian image, their details are significantly different: the Chinese example is heavily decorated with various ornaments such as necklace, bracelet, and a crown, all directly carved on the body, whereas the one at Seokguram is without such jewelry. This paper starts with the question of in what ways the two examples, despite its formal disparities, claim their resemblance to the prime object. Investigating different cultural circumstances under which the two statues were created and different focuses with which the two establish special connection to the prime object (ornamentation and size respectively), it delves into theoretical issues including transmission, influence, replication, reception, and subjectivity, issues that have occupied the main stream in the study of Chinese and Korean Buddhist art.

바이마르 공화국 실업보험법(AVAVG)의 성과와 한계

최선아(Choi Sun-Ah) 호서사학회 2003 역사와 담론 Vol.36 No.-

복합 치아종에 의한 맹출장애

최선아 ( Sun Ah Choi ) , 고승백 ( Sung Back Koh ) , 이봉규 ( Bong Kyu Lee ) , 김미라 ( Mi Ra Kim ) , 이상호 ( Sang Ho Lee ) 조선대학교 구강생물학연구소 2003 Oral Biology Research (Oral Biol Res) Vol.27 No.2

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돈황(敦煌) 막고굴(莫高窟) 제61굴과 오대산(五臺山) 문수진용(文殊眞容)

최선아 ( Sun Ah Choi ) 고려대학교 민족문화연구원 2014 民族文化硏究 Vol.64 No.-

10세기 중엽 경 돈황 막고굴에 조영된 제61굴에는 15.5미터의 길이에 달하는 주벽에 <오대산도(五臺山圖)>가 그려져 있다. 중국 산서성(山西省)에 위치한 오대산은 늦어도 7세기부터 문수보살의 주처(住處)로서 여러 가지 신비로운 화현(化現)이 목도되는 곳으로 여겨졌다. 따라서 중국 내에서 뿐 아니라 한국과 일본, 심지어 인도에서도 여러 구법승(求法僧) 및 신도(信徒)들이 순례(巡禮)를 오는 성지(聖地)가 되었다. 그리고 10세기에는 특히 문수보살의 참모습(眞容)을 그대로 본떴다고 알려진 보살상이 큰 인기를 얻게 되었다. 본 논문은 이러한 오대산의 현황을 벽화로 재현한 막고굴 제61굴의 의미와 기능을 성지의 전위(轉位, transposition)이라는 관점에서 해석한다. 사자를 탄 문수보살의 상을 불단 위에 놓고, 그 뒤편으로 펼쳐진 주벽에 <오대산도>를 배치한 제61굴의 구성이 10세기 당시 오대산 지역에서 행해지던, 진용이라 불리던 상을 중심으로 한 순례의 패턴을 그대로 재연 (reenact)했음을 문헌, 시각 자료의 고찰을 통해 밝힌다. The 10th century was one of the most prosperous periods in the history of Dunhuang. Old Buddhist shrines were assiduously renovated, and new cave chapels were successively constructed in an unprecedentedly grandiose scale. The centerpiece of this paper is one of such Buddhist cave chapels, Cave 61, which was commissioned by the illustrious Cao family, the de facto ruler of the region, sometime in mid-10th century. The uniqueness of the cave is found in two aspects. First, it stores the well-known panoramic depiction of Mount Wutai, a Buddhist sacred mountain located in northeast China and is believed as the abode of the Bodhisattva Manjusri. Second, it housed the imposing bodhisattva icon which is now-missing, but once stood on the central altar of the cave, surrounded by a depiction of the mountain as its backdrop. This paper addresses the ways in which Cave 61 captures a critical moment in the development of Mount Wutai as a cultic site: the moment when the pattern of traveling the mountain shifted from wandering and wondering in search for the fleeting visions of the deity to the worship of a particular icon, which was named zhenrong (true visage), and sanctified by legends as the materialized vision of the bodhisattva Manjusri. By highlighting the link between the hitherto-neglected bodhisattva statue in the cave and the centrality of the zhenrong icon at Mount Wutai, I demonstrate that Cave 61 was built as a substitute for the local devotees, effectively reenacting the pilgrimage at the cultic center in its miniaturized and transposed setting.