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정영신 ( Young Sin Jeong ) 한국사회사학회 2012 사회와 역사 Vol.0 No.94
전후의 국가형성과 사회발전을 연구하기 위한 방법 가운데 하나로, 이 글에서는 동아시아 분단체제론을 제안한다. 중일전쟁부터 베트남전쟁까지 이어진 동아시아 지역의 장기 전쟁은 식민지·제국체제를 해체했으며, 동아시아 전역에 걸쳐 분단 체제를 형성했다. 동아시아 분단체제는 미소간의 냉전적 대립에 의해 일차적으로 규정되었지만, 남한과 북한, 중국과 대만, 인도차이나반도에서의 분단 및 일본으로 부터 오키나와의 분리, 지역 내 국가들 사이의 역사심리적인 대립 등 다층적인 분 리·분단의 체제로 형성되었다. 이러한 분리·분단은 동아시아에서 국가와 사회들 이 분단된 채 개별적으로 발전하게 한 요인이 되었다. 이 동아시아 분단체제는 지역 내 국가들을 오가면서 진행된 장기 전쟁과 군사적 대립을 특징으로 하는데, 이 속에서 자본주의 진영 국가들은 미국과 양자적 동맹관계를 형성함으로써 안보 를 제공받으려 했다. 미국의 동맹국들은 집단적인 안보체제를 형성하지는 않았지 만, 분업적으로 배치된 미군기지네트워크를 통해서 그리고 동아시아의 전선에서 부여받은 위치에 일정하게 조응하는 형태로 국가전략이나 제도를 구축함으로써 비제도적인 방식의 안보분업구조를 형성했다. 이에 따라 1950년대 동아시아 반공전 선의 전방에 위치한 한국에서는 중무장의 군사우선 노선이 실행된 반면, 후방인 일본에서는 경제성장을 우선하는 경무장 노선이 실행되었다. 양자는 미국의 정책 에 의해서 일정하게 조정되는 면모를 보였고, 각각의 사회에서는 전방과 후방으로 서의 자기인식에 기초한 정치와 운동이 출현했다. 이처럼 긴밀하게 연결된 기지-안 보 네트워크와 분단되고 조각난 시민사회 사이의 비대칭성 및 안보와 발전의 상이 한 조합들이 전후 동아시아의 정치와 운동의 근본 조건을 형성했다. This article will propose the East Asian Division System(EADS) as an methodological approach on postwar stat-making in East Asia. Long war in East Asia which lasted from China-Japan War to Vietnam War period dismantled Japanese empire system, and it has leaded to the EADS. The EADS was composed of three sub-division systems and one separation as well as cold war confrontation, Division System in Korea peninsula, China-Taiwan Division System, Division System in Indochinese peninsula, and the separation of Okinawa from Japan. And it also includes historical confrontations which have lasted from colonial period among nations in this region. Long war and military confrontations among nations in this region characterized the EADS. Hence, it was necessary for the East Asian states in capitalist camp to conclude bilateral treaty of alliance with USA. This East Asian states failed to form the system of collective security. But they offered their some territories for the military bases to USA, and this bases was arranged in an inter-related form. And they also formed their national security strategies and institutions in specific forms which were corresponded with the positions in the EADS. US military bases network and state formations in EADS formed the Security Share Network in East Asia. In 1950’s, South Korea which was located in the front-line in EADS took a heavy-armed, military priority line(Lee’s Doctrine), but Japan located in the rear took a light-armed, economy priority line(Yoshida’s Doctrine). In each society, we can see the politics and the movements based on the self-awareness of their positions as the front-line and the rear in EADS. The asymmetry between closely connected US military bases and security networks and divided and splitted civil society in East Asia formed the basic conditions on the politics and movements in EADS.
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생체 내 Pig-a 유전자 돌연변이시험에 대한 세 시험실의 전수가능성 평가
정영신 ( Young-shin Chung ),박범수 ( Bumsoo Pak ),한세희 ( Sehee Han ),이지연 ( Jiyeon Lee ),김지영 ( Jiyoung Kim ),백승민 ( Seng-min Back ),박초롱 ( Cho-rong Park ),김수환 ( Su-hwan Kim ),이종권 ( Jong-kwon Lee ) 한국동물실험대체법학회 2017 동물실험대체법학회지 Vol.11 No.1
In order to establish a pig-a gene mutation assay as a regulatory test for evaluating in vivo genotoxicity in Korea, the transferability study as a stage II validation was performed using the test substance, N-ethyl-N-nitrosourea (ENU) across three laboratories. The lead laboratory (KIT) standardized the protocol using Rat MutaFlow® Kit and transferred the methodology to two participating laboratories (Hoseo University and Biotoxtech Co. Ltd.). Sprague Dawley rats were treated with vehicle or three dose levels of ENU (10, 20, 40mg/kg) by oral gavages on the 3 consecutive days. On the day 15 after the first treatment, bloods were collected and analyzed to estimate the percentage of reticulocytes (%RETs), mutant type of RETs and erythrocytes (RBC) using flowcytometer. In results, the exposure of ENU induced the dose-dependent increases in the mutant frequencies of RBCCD59- and RETCD59-, while %RETs were not affected. Data comparisons among three participating laboratories indicated the good transferability with the high correlation coefficients (0.97-0.99) between the lead and participating laboratories. In conclusion, the pig-a gene mutation assay may be the effective test for the estimation of in vivo gene mutation and the validation studies may be needed using more test substances in Korea.
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정영신 전남대학교 5.18연구소 2006 민주주의와 인권 Vol.6 No.1
점령기에 관한 수많은 연구성과에도 불구하고, 점령 문제를 어떻게 인식할 것인가에 관한 논의가 충분히 진전된 것 같지 않다. 이 글은 지금까지 축적된 점령연구들이 주로 일국적인 또는 양자적(bilateral)인 관점에서 서술되어 왔다고 보고, 동아시아와 소수자라는 두 방향을 제안한다. 이 글은 식민지시기에 이루어진 미국의 동아시아 개입과 전후 구상에서 탈식민화의 부재 현상이 남한점령과 일본점령의 차이를 설명한다고 본다. 오키나와와 남한의 점령을 함께 고려했을 때, 점령은 전쟁 점령 부흥이라는 시계열적인 사건으로 이해되지 않으며, 현재에도 작동하는 중층적인 구조로 이해할 수 있다.
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오키나와 반전·반기지운동과 조국복귀운동의 마주침 : 1969년 2·4총파업의 환상과 그 유산
정영신 ( Jeong Young Sin ) 역사문제연구소 2014 역사문제연구 Vol.18 No.2
Okinawa played a critical role as a training center and supply-strike base for the U.S. mili-tary after the expansion of the Vietnam War in 1965. In particular, as B52 strategic bombers carried out raids on Vietnam after February 5, 1968, Okinawan people felt ex-tremely uneasy and their anxiety worsened. When a B52 exploded on November 19, 1968, Okinawa peace movement organizations planned to go on a general strike at February 4, 1969. The General Strike aimed to remove all B52s from Okinawa. But it failed because of the suppression of the U.S. military, the appeasement policy of the Japanese government, the disturbance of social movement organizations in mainland Japan, and pressure from the conservatives of Okinawa. The failure of the General Strike had a negative impact on the Reversion Movement of Okinawa as well as the Anti War-Anti Base Movement and stimulated a differentiation amongst all Okinawa movements. The Reversion Movement converted to an Anti-War Reversion Movement. The Anti-War Reversion Movement organizations more focused on the issues of the Vietnam War and US military bases. But the mainstream faction of the Anti-War Reversion Movement couldn`t disillusion with the reversion to mainland Japan. On the other hand, the failure of the General Strike has strengthened a reassessment of the rela-tion between Okinawa and mainland Japan in the nonmainstream factions. This thinking was diffused into the more and more Okinawan social movements. The reassessment and critique of the failure of the General Strike made the turning point of Okinawan Anti War-Anti Base Movement as well as the Okinawan Reversion Movement.
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기후정의운동의 운동사적 맥락에 관한 연구 : 환경정의운동과 지구정의운동을 중심으로
정영신 부경대학교 글로벌지역학연구소 2023 Journal of Global and Area Studies(JGA) Vol.7 No.3
The climate problem is both an environmental-social problem and a global problem. The climate justice movement is a social movement that tries to solve environmental and social problems on a global scale. Therefore, the issue of “systemic change” that the climate justice movement represents, or social movements for transition, needs to combine environmental-social transformation with transition on a global scale, or clarify the relationship between the two. This article examines the climate justice movement in the context of the historical evolution of environmental and global justice movements to rethink the goals of climate justice and regime change that it calls for. The historical experience of the environmental justice movement shows that analyzing and responding to changes in the global economic structure and political power is essential to solving environmental problems, while the experience of the global justice movement shows the need for a global public space and the difficulty of realizing democracy and leadership. By enriching the historical sources and contexts of climate justice movements, the scope and direction of climate justice and regime change will become clearer.
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