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      • 한국어 FastSpeech2의 하이퍼파라미터 조절을 통한 최적화 연구

        임수환(Suwhoan Lim),박동건(Dong Keon Park),김홍국(Hong Kook Kim) 한국통신학회 2021 한국통신학회 학술대회논문집 Vol.2021 No.6

        본 논문은 트랜스포머 구조를 채택한 FastSpeech2에 Korean Single speaker Speech Dataset (KSS) 데이터셋을 이용한 한국어 음성합성시스템의 최적화에 대해 다룬다. 병렬화가 불가능하여 학습 속도가 느리다는 내재적인 단점을 가진 recurrent neural network를 이용한 기존 음성합성시스템과는 달리 FastSpeech2는 트랜스포머 구조를 채택하였기에 병렬화가 가능하여 학습 속도가 빠를 뿐만 아니라, variance adaptor를 모델에 포함해 음성합성시스템의 고질적인 문제였던 일 대 다수 문제에 대한 해법을 제시하였다. 본 논문에서는 FastSpeech2의 일부 하이퍼파라미터를 조정한다면 이러한 FastSpeech2의 장점을 살릴 수 있을 뿐만 아니라 한국어 화자 음성 정보를 활용한 한국어 음성합성시스템 성능 향상의 가설을 바탕으로 실험을 진행하였다. 독립변수는 인코더 블록의 개수와 각 블록 내부에 존재하는 멀티헤드의 개수이며, 각 실험의 결과는 훈련을 통해 나온 손실함수 그래프와 28명의 피실험자를 대상으로 한 평균 의견 점수를 통해 정량적, 정성적으로 분석하였다.

      • KCI등재

        제14대 대통령 선거와 북한 변수

        임수환(Lim Su Hwan) 한국정치정보학회 2007 정치정보연구 Vol.10 No.2

        이 논문에서는 선거에 일정한 영향을 미치는 북한과 직?간접적으로 관련된 사건을 북한변수라 고 분류하고, 14대 대선에서 북한변수는 어떤 형태로 등장해서 선거결과에 어떤 영향을 주었는가, 북한변수에 대한 각 정당과 후보자들의 대응태도나 전략은 어떻게 달랐는가, 북한변수는 한국민주주의에 어떤 영향을 주고 있는가를 분석한다. 14대 대통령선거의 구도는 1990년 초에 단행된 3당 합당으로 형성된 보수대연합의 압도적 우세 속에 진행되었고, 불법 방북사건들과 간첩단 사건들이 보수진영의 이념공세에 소재를 제공해 주었다. 당시 보수 세력은 공산주의가 몰락하는 유리한 국제환경 속에서 색깔론을 동원하여 진보세력을 고립시키고 선거에 승리하는 데에만 급급했다. 진보세력의 견제에서 벗어난 보수 세력은 부패의 늪에 빠지고 고립감에 휩싸인 진보세력은 비타협적 성격을 강화해서 민주주의 발전을 어렵게 하는 결과를 초래하고 말았다. 집권자의 위치 에 있던 보수가 진보에게 관용을 베풀지 않았던 것이다. North Korean factor, in this article, designates events directly or indirectly related to North Korea and influencing the elections. The author tries to analyze what influence North Korean factors made; how parties and candidates strategically responded to them what influence it gave to South Korean democracy. The 14th presidential election proceeded under the predominance of conservative coalition that was formed through the merge of three parties into the Democratic Liberal Party in the early 1990. The conservatives tried to relate the opposition party to the cases of unlawful travel to North Korea and espionage as a way of negative political campaign. The conservatives were busy isolating the progressives while their Northern diplomacy was gaining victorious achievements under the demise of the communist block. The corruption of the conservative government went without check by the opposition, while the isolated progressives grew its intransigency that hurt the democratic development. The author evaluates that the conservatives in government did not tolerate the progressives in opposition at the juncture of the 14th presidential election.

      • KCI등재

        다공성 알루미나 마스크를 이용한 니켈 나노점 구조 제작

        임수환(Suhwan Lim),김철성(Chul Sung Kim),고태준(Taejoon Kouh) 한국자기학회 2013 韓國磁氣學會誌 Vol.23 No.4

        We have fabricated an ordered Ni nanodot structure using an alumina mask prepared via 2-step anodization technique under phosphoric acid. We have formed a porous structure with average pore size of 279 nm on 2 μm thick alumina film and the thermal deposition of thin Ni film though the mask led to the formation of ordered Ni nanodot structure with an average dot size of 293 nm, following the pore structure on the mask. We further investigated the magnetic properties of the nanodot structure by measuring the hysteresis curve at room temperature. When compared to the magnetic properties of a continuous Ni film, we observed the decrease in the squareness and the increase in coercivity along the magnetization easy axis, due to the isolated nanodot structure. Our study suggests that the ordered nanodot structure can be easiy fabricated with thin film deposition technique using anodized alumina mask as a mask.

      • 중경 임시정부가 농지개혁에 미친 영향

        임수환 ( Su Hwan Lim ) 한국정치평론학회 2015 정치와 평론 Vol.16 No.-

        As the US Army Military Government in Korea failed to implement their original plan of trusteeship on Korean Peninsula, Korean leaders who fought against trusteeship made substantial influence in building institutions of the new Korea. This paper argues that the concept of land reform presented by the Provisional Republic of Korea Government in 1941 was carried by the influential Korean leaders when they designed institutions of the new Korea. The Provisional Government in Chongqing pronounced the Principles and Plans for National Reconstruction in 1941 with principles of land reform included. Principles of land reform consisted of nationalization of lands, prohibition of labor- employment in private farms, land-to-the-tillers. Leaders of Provisional Government carried the PPNR on to the policies and constitutional proposals, prepared by the Representative Democratic Council under the US Army Military Governmant in Korea. Later, the US Military Government wrote its own land reform bill, which conforms market value in compensation to the landowners. The land reform law passed by the ROK legislature prohibited private farms from hiring labor and distributed lands to the tillers, but did not nationalize lands. The land reform law cut compensation rate for landowners by half from the US Military Government’s reform bill. Korean leaders did away with the conformation to the market value as soon as the US influence weakened at the withdraw of forces. Korean government even failed in due compensation to the landowners during the Korean war. The tiny family farm system, created by the land reforms, provided material base for children of poor farm families with opportunity to attend school: equal opportunity for schooling was one of three principles to be achieved in the newly independent State according to the PPNR. There were many factors pressuring the new Korean government for the land reform around the time of independence; the distribution of lands owned by the US Military Government, The land reform in the North Korea, demands of Peasants Union. But not every government actively respond to the political demand for land reform. It was the presence of conceptual framework of land reform agreed upon by the Cabinet Committee of the PROK Government that enabled leaders of newly independent government to go forward to make reforms.

      • KCI등재

        한국 신흥 민주주의에 있어 부패의 문제

        임수환(Su Hwan Lim) 한국부패학회 2002 한국부패학회보 Vol.6 No.1

        Most of new democracies have not made progress in terms of legitimation since their transition in the third wave of democratization One of the paramount obstacles to the legitimatization is the political corruption that is not reduced with the democratic transition. Why does political corruption not go away with the authoritarian government but remain after the democratic transition? How can we control post-transition corruption? There are two approaches on the problem. Populistic approach regards the post-transition corruption as an authoritarian leftover. Populistic approach calls for more democracy to clear up authoritarian elements as well as corruption itself. The approach is based upon normative view of democracy, which orders common good and general will realized. Normative view of democracy used to become popular during the democratic transition due to its ideological power. The normative view of democracy and populistic approach to political corruption predominates the contemporary Korean society. However this paper argues that Koreans cannot control the post transition corruption without the help of institutionalist approach. Institutionalist approach is based on the empirical view of democracy, which characterize democracy with the rule and procedure ensuring political competition, mass participation, and civil liberty. Political corruption will be under our control as we achieve democratic institutionalization according to the intstitutionalist approach. New democracies are not capable of keeping civil society stable due to the low level of institutionalization. The unstable party system and the post-transition politics of redistribution destroy state capacity to control corruption. This paper recommends start with the strengthening policy capacity of the legislative for the control of corruption.

      • 서유럽 근대농업의 전개와 정치적 근대화: 15-19세기 영국, 프랑스, 독일 사례의 비교

        임수환 ( Lim Su Hwan ) 한국정치평론학회 2022 정치와 평론 Vol.30 No.-

        영국, 프랑스, 독일 등 서유럽 3개국의 근대화는 농업과 정치 양면에서 큰 차이를 갖고 전개되었다. 영국에서는 17세기 내전 이후 자본주의 농업과 의회 민주주의가 번영과 안정을 낳았다. 프랑스에서는 소농경제의 침체와 의회민주주의의 불안정을 낳았다. 독일에서는 소농과 융커농장이 병존하면서 국가적 지원 하에 생산성 향상이 이루어졌다. 영국에서는 토지귀족들이 자본가들을 동반하여 자본주의 농업을 개척하고 의회민주주의 운영을 주도하며 산업혁명을 맞았다. 프랑스는 대혁명으로 토지귀족과 자본가들이 거세되고 불안정한 의회정치, 나폴레옹 독재와 간헐적 혁명이 되풀이되며 산업화 과정을 겪는다. 독일에서는 국왕과 융커출신 고위관리들이 부르주아들과 연합하여 소농과 노동자들을 분리통치하며 급속한 산업화를 성취한다. 토지귀족-자본가 연합은 영국에서 자유주의적 성격을 독일에서 권위주의적 성격을 띠었는데, 프랑스에는 그러한 연대 자체가 없었다. 영국과 프랑스는 근대화를 개척했고, 독일은 따라잡는 입장에 있었다. Agricultural and political modernization had proceeded in very different ways in Britain, France and Germany. Capitalist farms and parliamentary democracy resulted in prosperity and stability in Britain. Peasant economy stagnated and parliamentary democracy vacillated in France. Germany had supported peasants and Junker farms to improve productivity through public institutions. British landed aristocrats partnered with capitalists to develop capitalist farms and lead parliamentary democracy. French landed aristocrats lost political leadership through the great revolution. Kaiser and Junker class-based high officials divided and ruled the peasants and labor during industrialization. Landed aristocrat-capitalist coalition in Britain can be characterized liberal while that in Germany authoritarian. The French experienced agricultural stagnation and political vacillation without such a ruling coalition. Modern dictatorship filled in for the ruling coalition in France. Napoleon Bonaparte rationalized bureaucracy and mobilized sons of peasants to conquer the continent. Napoleon III were elected president based on the support of peasants and intervened in the market to facilitate industrial development. German Government facilitated agricultural growth through public institutions that imported new technologies from Britain. Kaiser initiated the reform of 1807 to liberalize serfs in order to emulate French national army. Liberation of the serfs resulted in the modernization of Junker farms.

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