제지 산업의 다기능성 폴리머 (PVAm)

이욱,이욱(2) 한국공업화학회 2014 한국공업화학회 연구논문 초록집 Vol.2014 No.1

VFA(Vinylformamide)는 독성이 강한 Acrylamide를 대체할 수 있는 새로운 물질로 대두되고 있으며 VFA를 이용하여 다양한 형태의 PVAm(Polyvinylamine)을 합성하여 제지공정에 다양한 용도로 적용이 가능하다. 현재 제지산업의 가장 큰 목표는 기존 종이물성을 유지하면서 filler(탄산칼슘)의 첨가량을 늘려 원가절감을 실현하는 것으로 이러한 과정에서 종이 강도 저하, 인쇄품질 저하, 공정오염 등의 많은 문제가 발생되며 이러한 문제를 해결할 수 있는 약품으로 PVAm이 주목받고 있다.

Clustering of Rules Using Hopfield Neural Net

이욱 한국전문가시스템학회 1998 학술대회 Vol.1 No.1

18~19세기 제주의 進上制 운영과 성격

이욱 제주대학교 탐라문화연구원 2008 탐라문화 Vol.0 No.33

Due to its geometric and historical particularities, Jeju presented actual products as donation to the king until the end of the 19th century, and the burden was not trivial. As the political basis of the Joseon government was changed since the days of King Sukjong and it tried to bring Jeju into the range of its rule, the central government made efforts to the burden of the donation upon Jeju. However, given the operational principles of the system of donation in Joseon, such efforts had limitations. Thus, the donation remained great burden for Jeju people until the end of the 19th century. On the other hand, local officials of Jeju including the local governors attempted at various ways to reduce the burden on people due to the donation. One of the ways they found out was the operation of Min-Go ‘storage for people,’ which was represented by Pyeong-yeok-go and Bo-min-go. The foundation and operation of Pyeong-yeok-go was intended toward resolving part of the burden of providing products for the donation by passing it to those in charge of other compulsory labors. The underlying basis for this was Gyun-yeok, which means the balance of the burden of compulsory labors. On the other hand, Bo-min-go was intended through the operation of grain loaning toward reducing the burden of the donation of products posed in the form of inhabitants’ tax. However, due to excessive expenditure, Bo-min-go had a financial structure in which the principal grains gradually disappeared. In the financial situation of Jeju at that time, what remained as potential sourcesof exploitation included such tax collections from newly cultivated land as Jang-se and Hwajeon-se. Thus, some of the rice for Jang-se, which did not fit to the principles of financial management, was underpaid for securing the financial resources of Bo-min-go. This suggests that toward the mid 19th century, even the principles of financial management maintained previously was not kept because the local finances of Jeju reached the limit. In other words, the financial condition of Jeju in the 19th century made it impossibleto find out a solution by sticking to the policy of financial management maintained since the early period of Joseon. 제주는 그 지리적, 역사적 특수성으로 인해 19세기까지 진상 물종을 현물로 상납하였다. 그리고 그 부담 역시 작지 않았다. 숙종대 이후 조선정부의 정책 기조가 바뀌고 제주를 통치영역안으로 끌어들이기 위해 노력하면서 중앙정부 에서도 제주의 진상부담을 줄여주려고 노력하였다. 그러나 조선의 진상제도 운 영 원리에 비추어볼 때 이러한 노력에는 한계가 있었다. 때문에 진상은 19세기 후반까지도 제주민들의 큰 부담으로 남아있었다. 한편 제주 목사를 비롯한 제주의 지방관들도 진상으로 인한 민의 부담을 덜 어주기 위해 다양한 방법을 모색하였다. 그들이 찾은 방법은 평역고와 보민고 로 대표되는 민고의 운영이었다. 평역고의 설치와 운영은 신역으로 부과되던 진상물종 마련에 대한 부담 일부를 다른 형태의 신역부담자에게 전가함으로써 해결하려고 했던 것이다. 그리고 그 아래에 흐르고 있는 것은 均役, 즉 신역부 담자의 부담을 고르게 하는 것이었다. 반면 보민고는 환곡의 운영을 통해 戶斂 형태로 부과되는 진상 물종의 부담을 줄여주고자 하였다. 그런데 보민고는 수 입보다 지출이 많아, 시간이 흐를수록 보민고의 원곡이 침식되는 재정구조였 다. 당시 제주의 재정 상황에서 수탈의 여지가 남아있었던 것이 장세와 화전세 등 새로 개간한 토지에 대한 수세였다. 때문에 재정 운영 원리상 어울리지 않 는 장세미의 일부가 보민고의 재원으로 획급되었다. 이는 19세기 중엽에는 제 주의 지방재정이 한계상황에 도달하여, 그 이전까지 유지되고 있던 재정 운영 원리마저 지킬 수 없었음을 말해주는 것이다. 다시 말해 19세기 제주의 재정 상황은 조선 전기 이래 유지해오던 재정 운영 방침을 고수하는 것으로는 해결 책을 찾을 수 없었던 것이다.

『덕온공주가례등록』을 통해 본 덕온공주 가례 절차

이욱 단국대학교 석주선기념박물관 2012 한국 복식 Vol.0 No.30

17·18세기 宮房·衙門의 魚鹽 折受 확대와 의미

이욱 한국역사민속학회 2003 역사민속학 Vol.17 No.-

[역사 나들이] 조선시대의 법의학(法醫學) - 1

이욱 내일을 여는 역사 2003 내일을 여는 역사 Vol.13 No.-

집회의 자유의 보장과 그 제한에 관한 연구

이욱한(Lee, Uk Han) 한국비교공법학회 2013 공법학연구 Vol.14 No.1

근대 제천의례를 통해 본 민족정체성 연구

이욱 국학연구소 2006 국학연구 Vol.11 No.-

This paper reviews the process that the Sacrifice to Heaven symbolize and make concrete the racial identification through Hwanguje (the Sacrifice to Heaven at the Round Altar) and Seonuisik(the Sacrifice to Heaven done by Daejonggyo) after the opening of ports. Hwanguje showed the intention of the great Han empire to unify the people led by the Imperial. Seonuisik is a sacrifice of Daejonggyo that intended the unification of the people through Dangun. The Imperial and Dangun are important symbols that played important roles for inducing the unification of the people. This paper reviews the corelation of the identification of the people and the Sacrifice to Heaven after the modern age through analysis and comparison. The Sacrifice to Heaven that had been close since the beginning of Joseon dynasty was restored by the great Han empire in 1897. Gojong announced that the great Han empire was an independent country having a long history through the sacrifice of Hwanguje. The Sacrifice to Heaven payed at that time was based on Confucian rite but modified practically. Above all, it was a new concept, not found in traditional Confucian rites that Hangudan was built at the center place of the capital with a hill for a backgound. In this paper I understand the spacial specialty of Hangudan to be a political symbol to make the palace be a new center of order and to enhance the imperial authority. Gojong tried to take shape to unify the people around imperial house by referring Taejo's burning incense. On the other hand, Ra Cheol tried to keep and enhance the extinguishing national rights by enlightening the racial self-consciousness. The trial took shape in the process to change the sacrifice to Dangun into the Sacrifice to Heaven. The sacrifice to Dangun of Daejonggyo in early days followed to the traditional sacrifice to ancients, the four season sacrifice, and brought Dangun in relief as the progenitor of nation. The sacrifice to Dangun, however, was changed very soon to the Sacrifice to Heaven through its dual symbol having both heavenly palace and the sanctuary of heavenly portrait. The Sacrifice to Heaven was a kind of worship including sermon instead of the traditional Confucian rites. So, the sacrifice to Dangun which had been limited to limited places was changed to a general sacrifice that all of the Korean race could worship and to a place of enlightenment inspiring racial consciousness to the people. Ra Cheol performed the Sacrifice to Heaven on Mt. Baekdu and tried to combine Mt. Baekdu, Heaven, and Dangun, by which he inspired the racial identification. Since then, the Sacrifice to Heaven of Daejonggyo is called as Seonuisik, which became the central Korean sacrifice through the commemoration of Gaecheonjeol. Since the reformation of Gaboh, Gaecheonjeol was only one sacrifice showing the racial identification. The development of the sacrifice of Dangun was possible by the continuous effort of Daejonggyo and racialists who inspired the racialism with Dangun as a leading symbol.

책을 내며 : "근대 종교"에 대한 논의를 다시 시작하며

이욱 한국종교문화연구소 2012 종교문화비평 Vol.22 No.22

The Confucian Systematization of the Royal Ancestral Cult: On Chosŏn’s Hamhŭng Pon’gung

이욱 서강대학교 종교연구소 2014 Journal of Korean Religions Vol.5 No.2

Hamhŭng Pon’gung was the house in Hamhŭng that Yi Sŏnggye inhabited prior to foundingthe Chosŏn dynasty. After assuming the kingship, Yi Sŏnggye posthumously crowned hisdirect patrilineal ancestors going back four generations. In addition to enshrining their spirittablets at the Chongmyo (Royal Ancestral Shrine) for official rites, he also had their tabletsinstalled at Hamhŭng Pon’gung. After Yi Sŏnggye’s own death the tablets of him and his firstwife were added to the altar at Hamhŭng Pon’gung, making it a shrine for five generations ofkings and queens. Initially a source of great controversy and nearly abolished, the rites atHamhŭng Pon’gung ultimately gained official acceptance during the reign of King Chŏngjo(r. 1776–1800), though they continued to be omitted from the sajŏn 祀典(state register ofsacrifices). This paper discusses the history of the Hamhŭng Pon’gung rites and examinesthe process through which a non-Confucian royal rite was transformed into an official staterite. In so doing, it also highlights the way in which autochthonous religious rites in Koreathat predated the transmission of Confucianism were marginalized or altered by Confucianism. Additionally, it illustrates the process through which unofficial royal rites unconnected toofficial state events were transformed into official rites of the state. It concludes with a discussionof the dual character of royal rites that preserved both Confucian and autochthonous beliefs and combined the public with the private.