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A Journey to Recognize Labor as a Social Question in Modern Japan
이옥연 서울대학교 사회발전연구소 2007 Journal of Asian Sociology Vol.36 No.2
In this paper, I delineated the dynamic processes of political awakening of workers,industrialists, and bureaucrats when faced with a raMeiji Japan was a labor surplus economy in which the balance of power belongedto the owners of the scarce capital and land resources, not to the owners ofabundant labor resources, the workers and the tenant farmers. Thus, theirgrievances were dealt with as an economic problem. Even the workers themselveslarge-scale wars contributed to the advancement of the bargaining power of theworkers, especially with skills in high demand. The tightening of labor marketempowered the skilled workers in their demand for higher wages and better workconditions. Consequently, Japan experienced a bulge in real and nominal wagesas well as the change in consumption patterns. The modern managerialindustrialists managed to link higher wages with higher productivity and largerprofit. Yet they failed to grasp the rights of wage laborers as being equal to theirs. In this respect, the Japanese middle class failed to sustain the trend towarddemocratization. Although being the prime mover of democratization, the Japanesepropertyless. Therefore, when they did manage to start a truly liberal reform, theyfound that the external factors hindered their effort toward the progress ofdemocratization. It was their hesitation that brought the end to the liberaldemocracy which they initiated.
2004년 미국대선 양당후보들의 TV광고: 30초에 거는 승부
이옥연 한국외국어대학교 국제지역연구센터 2005 국제지역연구 Vol.9 No.1
The United States hold more elections to select more officials for public offices than any other country in the world. National presidential elections draw media attention most, largely because all qualified voters participate to determine their head of government/head of state/commander-in-chief. Moreover, a presidential campaign is a long, drawn-out process in which candidates are desperate to get across their messages of envisioned policies and implant their images as a competent leader, while maintaining a festive atmosphere, hopefully, by the election day. Of many campaign forums, political advertising instigates controversies due to their nastiness and fatuousness. Yet one cannot deny its effect, however disputable, on media, voters, candidates, and political strategists. Short TV ads, often called polispots, grew to dominate U.S. political campaigns, especially in national presidential elections. However, not all polispots manage to develop distinct rhetorical modes and distinct visual styles such that only one candidate successfully emerges distinctive both in mind and manner to voters. By comparing and contrasting polispots in 2004 U.S. presidential election, I explore, in this paper, how and why both presidential candidates chose to convey specific messages and images in specific manners. Such an effort is a stepping stone to further empirical studies in clarifying the relationship between electoral behavior on the one hand, and political campaigns, in general, and polispots, in particular, on the other hand, independent of other factors. 지구상의 어느 나라보다도 가장 빈번한 선거를 통해 가장 많은 적임자를 선출하는 미국의 수많은 공직 중 대통령직은 참정권을 행사할 수 있는 국민 전체가 참여하여 국가의 원수이자 행정부의 수반을 겸하는 최고 통수권자를 선택하는 유일한 선출직이다. 따라서 대통령선거가 없는 중간선거와 달리 대통령선거가 동시에 개최되는 해는 성대한 정치축제 분위기 속에서 11월 선거일 직전까지 축제 내용의 풍성한 정도에 관계없이 선거유세가 일년 내내 지속된다. 미국 선거운동 중 특히 30초 또는 드물게 60초 안에 유권자에게 대선후보의 강렬한 인상과 주요 메시지를 동시에 전달해야하는 TV광고, 일명 ‘spot'은 양대 정당후보 간 확실하고 명백한 차별성을 부각시키는 경우 유권자들의 최종적 선택에 지대한 영향을 끼칠 수 있지만, 양 후보 진영 간 명확한 차별성이 결여되거나 또는 유권자들의 우선순위와 동떨어진 이슈를 중심으로 전개되면 그 효력이 저하되기 마련이다. 본 논문은 2004년의 미 대선과정에서 TV광고가 과연 전자의 경우에 해당하는지 후자에 해당하는지에 대한 판단을 시도하고자 한다. 당선 여부와 선거운동의 상관관계, 특히 특정한 선거운동의 효과에 대해서 아직 이론적, 실증적 검토가 완전하게 이루어지지 않았기 때문에 궁극적으로 TV광고가 구체적으로 유권자에게 유형에 따라 어떠한 영향을 주는지, 어떠한 경로로 투표행위에 작용하는지, 또는 다른 요인들과 독립적으로 유권자들의 선택에 얼마나 결정적인 역할을 하는지에 대한 연구는 지속적으로 필요하다. 본 논문은 이러한 실증적 연구에 앞서 양당후보가 유권자들에게 선거이슈 중 무슨 메시지를 어떻게 전달했으며 어떤 효과를 얻으려고 그러한 선거 전략을 채택했는지에 대한 분석에 주력하고자 한다.
이옥연 서울대학교 국제학연구소 2006 Journal of International and Area Studies Vol.13 No.2
To account for the formation of employment-welfare relationship, conventional studies often rely on the demand-side or the supply-side perspective. To explain the complete mechanism in the observed nexus, however, I argue that a political institution and its historical path need to be investigated. By examining youth employment policy in Canada, this paper explores how the strategy of integrating social welfare policy with active labor market policy targeting youth ended up with potentials for unilateral action, both at the federal and provincial levels, how the subsequent centralizing force undermined the devolution efforts and the ensuing reform in accordance with neo-liberal framework in labor market policy, how political institutions in a federal state came to affect the phase of employment-welfare relationship, and ultimately why such a center-governed active labor market policy often falls short of realizing its intended objective of transforming the existing nexus between welfare state and production regime.