버스交通에서 屈曲度의 意味와 適用에 관한 考察

李明美,柳永根,金大雄 대한토목학회 1999 대한토목학회 학술발표회 논문집 Vol.1999 No.4

元宗代 고려 측 對 몽골 정례적·의례적 사행 양상과 그 배경 - 1273년(元宗 14) 고려 측 賀冊封 使行 사례를 중심으로 -

이명미 서울대학교 규장각한국학연구원 2015 한국문화 Vol.69 No.-

This study set out to investigate the patterns of Goryeo’s routine and ceremonial envoy trips during the reign of King Wonjong(元宗) in the early days of Goryeo-Mongol relations and review the internal and external backgrounds of those patterns, thus shedding light on the characteristic aspects of Goryeo-Mongolia relations. The first phenomenon related to envoy selection in Goryeo's relationships with 솓 Mongol empire was the leadership of Goryeo’s royal family members in envoy trips(宗室 正使), and the phenomenon became prominent during the rule of King Wonjong. Goryeo had resistance against the ways that the Mongols formed and maintained relations with other political units through the direct relations among the individual heads and families and thus took an eclectic approach by putting royal family members in its routine national envoy trips and thus heightening the class of its envoy trips based on its experiences. That pattern showed an aspect of Goryeo-Mongol relations during the reign of King Wonjong when there was no enough consensus on their relations between the two parties. It gradually declined since the reign of King Chungryeol(忠烈王) when such Mongolian relation elements as royal intermarriage and king’s visiting the Mongol court himself emerged in the front line of Goryeo-Mongol relations. Mongolia arranged the Chinese court ceremonies(朝儀) in 1269~1271 in the same context as the introduction of Hanbeop(漢法) for the rule of Hanji(漢地) by Kublai Khan when he ascended to the throne. Furthermore, the installation of the Crown Prince in 1273 as an extension of the arrangement of the Chinese court ceremonies showed that the arrangement of the Chinese court ceremonies reflected Kublai Khan's sense of purpose to build a more centralized system of state in his relations with the powers of Western khans including Kaidu those days. The Mongol empire's “Chinese royal court ceremonies” arranged in the political situations during the early days of Kublai Khan's rule were reflected in the formalities of Goryeo’s envoy trip parties and created an important opportunity for King Wonjong and his subjects to perceive the Mongol empire as “Hwa(華)”. The ceremonies arranged at that time were realized the same both in Mongolia and Goryeo and became a background of kings’ Yoha(遙賀) for emperors, thus showing differences in their scope of application from their counterparts of the previous times.

바다를 통해서 본 고려시대 이야기 -윤용혁, 『무인정권·몽골, 그리고 바다로의 역사_삼별초』·이진한, 『고려시대 무역과 바다』-

이명미 한국중세사학회 2015 한국중세사연구 Vol.0 No.41

고려 말 정치·권력구조의 한 측면

이명미 동국대학교 동국역사문화연구소 2015 동국사학 Vol.58 No.-

This study set out to investigate an aspect of political and power structure at the end of Goryeo through the working patterns of imperial power in the process from the Wihwado Retreat in 1388 through the “abdication” of King Woo to the enthroning and dethronement of King Chang. The founding process of Joseon, which began with the Wihwado Retreat in 1388, had its primary base in the military power of armed forces around Lee Seong-gye, but the process was working in a political way. The retreat forces “abdicated” King Woo instead of “dethroning” him as a gesture of reflecting upon the Liaodong conquest decision that went against the courtesy of sycophancy and thus received indulgence for their “retrogression,” which suggests that the imperial power supported the power of the retreat forces at that time. The situation of the retreat forces taking imperial power as their cause is differentiated from the situation of actual separation between the power within Goryeo and the imperial power in the former half of Goryeo and has both a severance and connection aspect from the subjugation period to Mongolia when practical power was granted according to direct relations with the emperor. Such a situation allowed for the utilization of routine political and diplomatic methods in relationships with Mongolia in which the line between politics and diplomacy was blurry as King Chang ruled the nation himself or requested the supervision of state affairs by an official dispatched by the emperor to have his “cause” confirmed both internally and externally or the subjects of Goryeo reported the opposing party to the emperor themselves and requested the dispatch and investigation of a royal messenger. Since the cause of the retreat was not recognized by Ming, they brought the authority of Goryeo’s royal family as another cause and authority. It was the discussion that Both King Woo and King Chang did not come from the Wang family. The retreat forces borrowed the authority of the Ming emperor as the authority to guarantee the “truth” of the argument that was abruptly raised and very likely to have been fabricated. It was later appropriated as the logic of “Pyegaipjin(廢假立眞)” and interpreted and utilized as a very critical cause in the process of securing the legitimacy of the retreat, dethronement and execution of Kings Woo and Chang, and further purge of the political forces in opposition to the retreat forces. 이 논문은 1388년 위화도 회군과 그에 이어지는 우왕 ‘선위’ 및 창왕 옹립, 그리고 창왕 폐위에 이르는 일련의 정쟁 과정에서 황제권이 작용하는 양상을 통해 고려 말 정치·권력구조의 한 측면을 살펴보고자 한 것이다. 1388년 위화도 회군으로부터 시작되는 조선 건국 과정은 이성계를 중심으로 한 무장세력의 군사력이 일차적인 기반이 되었지만 그 과정은 정치적인 방식으로 이루어졌으며, 이는 조선 건국의 또다른 주체인 신흥유신들이 개혁의 방향성을 두고 분기해 가는 과정이었다. 회군세력이 우왕을 ‘폐위’시키지 않고 事大의 예를 거스른 요동 정벌 결정을 반성하는 차원에서 ‘선위’하게 함으로써 자신들의 逆行에 면죄부를 받았던 것은 이 과정에서 황제권이 회군세력의 권력을 밑받침하는 명분을 구성하고 있었음을 보여준다. 회군세력의 권력이 황제권을 명분으로 삼게 된 상황은 고려 내의 권력과 황제권이 사실상 단절되어 있던 고려전기의 상황과 차별성을 갖는 한편으로, 황제와의 직접적 관계에 따라 실질적인 권력이 부여되었던 몽골 복속기의 상황과는 단절과 연결의 측면을 동시에 갖는다. 이에 창왕 즉위 후에는 그러한 ‘명분’을 내외적으로 확인받기 위한 과정에서 국왕의 친조나 황제가 파견한 관리에 의한 국정 감독을 요청하거나, 고려 신료들이 황제에게 직접 반대세력을 고발하고 이에 대해 칙사의 파견과 조사를 요청하는 등 정치와 외교의 경계가 흐려져 있던 몽골과의 관계에서 일상화한 정치·외교 방식이 활용되기도 했다. 한편, 명과 직결과어 있던 회군의 명분이 명으로부터 인정받지 못하는 가운데, 회군세력은 또다른 명분이자 권위로서 고려왕실의 권위를 가져왔다. 우왕과 창왕이 왕씨가 아니라는, 증명하기 어려운 주장의 ‘진실성’을 담보해줄 수 있는 권위로서 회군세력은 명 황제의 권위를 빌어 왔으며, 이는 이후 ‘폐가입진’이라는 논리로 전용되면서 회군의 정당성에, 우·창 폐위 및 처형, 나아가 회군 세력과 대립했던 정치세력들을 숙청하는 과정에서 중요한 명분으로서 해석되고 활용되었다.

MBTI 성격유형별 글 조직하기 양상 -판단기능을 중심으로-

이명미 한남대학교 한남어문학회 2014 한남어문학 Vol.38 No.-

고려-몽골 관계 깊이 보기 - 「乞比色目表」와 「請同色目表」 -

이명미 한국역사교육학회 2020 역사교육연구 Vol.- No.37

Yi Je hyeon and An Chuk's writing ‘Treat Goryeo as Saekmok(乞比色目表/請同色目表)’ can be utilized for class as a deep study material on the part of “Reform of the King Gongmin(恭愍王)” in the textbook “Korean History” for high school. Using these materials, we can deeply understand the Goryeo Mongol relationship and the power structure of Goryeo based on it, and look at the perceptions of the Goryeo kings and their subjects on it. This has two main meanings in terms of history education. 1st. Regarding the criteria for writing “History” (2015 revision) of middle school that avoids “differential structure” in the descriptions of international relations, we can understand the Goryeo Mongol relationship and the political situation at that time beyond the dichotomous structure of “intervention and resistance.” 2nd. This helps to understand the two important issues of the Korean history curriculum in relation to the history of the late Goryeo Dynasty. In other words, it is a question of how the unprecedentedly active exchange of culture, which enabled the introduction of Neo Confucianism amid the conflict between Won's interference in internal affairs, took place. As shown in this document, Goryeo officials raised questions about the problem with the Mongol empire denying the identity of Goryeo and demanded correction. In addition, as also shown in the two documents, they were fully aware of the power structure of Goryeo, where the Mongol emperor's power was at its peak and power was given through the relationship with him, and utilized it in their respective situations. The same was true of the Goryeo kings. In other words, the Goryeo people valued the identity of the unit, but did not deny the existence and authority of Mongolia, which existed at the top. The Mongol empire's exercise of political influence on Goryeo and active human exchanges between the two countries are understandable in this structure and awareness. 1340년경에 이제현과 안축이 지은 「乞比色目表」와 「請同色目表」는 고려 몽골 관계 및 그와 연동된 고려의 권력구조를 깊이 있게 이해하고 그에 대한 고려국왕 및 신료들의 인식을 살펴보는 데에 도움을 준다. 고등학교 『한국사』 교과서의 고려후기 관련 단원 내 ‘공민왕의 개혁’에 대한 내용 부분에서 이 자료들을 심화학습자료로 활용할 수 있다. 두 자료를 통한 심화학습은 역사교육의 측면에서 볼 때 크게 두 가지 의미를 갖는다. 첫째, 국제관계사 서술에서 ‘이분법적 구도’를 지양하는 중학교 『역사』 집필기준(2015 개정)에 부합하여, 고려 몽골 관계 및 당시의 정치적 상황을 ‘간섭과 저항’이라는 이분법적 구도에서 벗어나서 이해할 수 있도록 한다. 둘째, 고려후기의 역사상과 관련하여 한국사 교육과정이 중요하게 다루고 있는 두 가지 문제를 계기적으로 이해하는 것을 도울 수 있다. 즉 원의 고려 내정 간섭이 이루어지는 갈등적 관계 속에서 성리학의 도입을 가능하게 했던 고려 원 간 활발한 문물의 교류는 어떻게 이루어졌던 것인가의 문제이다. 「걸비색목표」와 「청동색목표」에서 보이듯, 고려의 신료들은 몽골과의 관계가 고려의 정체성 혹은 국체를 부정하는 문제에 대해서는 문제를 제기하며 시정을 요구하였다. 그러나 역시 두 사료에서 보이듯, 이 시기 고려의 신료들은 몽골황제권이 정점이 되고 그와의 관계를 통해서 권력이 부여되는 고려의 권력구조에 대해서는 충분히 인지하고 각자의 상황에서 이를 활용하였다. 이는 고려국왕의 경우도 마찬가지였다. 즉 당시 고려인들은 고려라는 단위의 정체성을 중요시하면서도 그 상위에 존재하는 원, 몽골의 존재와 권위 역시 부정하지 않았던 것이다. 원 간섭기 원의 고려에 대한 정치적 영향력 행사와 양국 간의 활발한 인적 교류는 이러한 구조와 인식 속에서 이해할 수 있다.

고려시대 관련 교과서 서사에 대한 비판적 검토 -현재적 관점과 역사적 맥락의 부조화-

이명미 역사교육학회 2022 역사교육논집 Vol.80 No.-

As textbook narratives in which the dissonance between the 'current perspective' and the 'historical context' is prominent, this study reviewed the textbook narratives of the Goryeo family system & women and foreign relations in the early Goryeo period. Each of these topics is related to the women's human rights and the national independence, which are important value at present but at the same time has a different historical context. The current method of history education that deals with the above two themes does not aim to illuminate and understand the historical context of the revealed aspects in history and then look at the results from the present point of view. There is a tendency to see and interpret aspects of history in the context of the present. This not only has a problem in the light of the essence of history studies, but also has a problem in cultivating ‘an attitude that respects a way of life that is different from mine’, which is set as an educational goal of history education as a civic education that has been highlighted recently. It is possible to pursue the values that society needs through history education, whether it is self-identity(national consciousness) or civic consciousness. However, it is thought that this purpose can be more effectively pursued not by listing related aspects with the goal of educating such values themselves, but by otherizing history itself to understand the context and structure of the time.

高麗·元 王室通婚의 政治的 의미

李命美 서울대학교 국사학과 2003 韓國史論 Vol.49 No.-

Though their first contact came in early 1218, the relationship between the Koryo dynasty and the Mongol forces was very shaky to say the least, repeating hostile encounters and subsequent truces, until Koryo finally yielded to the superiority of the Mongol empire in 1260. But the tensions were still there, as Koryo refused to, or at least were not so forthcoming in performing certain duties that the Mongol empire ordered Koryo to carry out. Those duties included several issues, such as the exercise of 6 Major duties that the Mongol leaders traditionally required their newly subdued entities to perform, or the Mongols' request of Koryo to play an important role in scouting the nearby Japan, or the Mongol's order of the Kofyo government to surrender the Ganghwa provisional capital and return to the old one at once. These series of clashes were basically due to a fact that the governments of both Koryo and the Mongol empire were viewing the concept of the co-called 'Truce' that was established here very differently, as the former was accustomed to the traditional concept of Chinese 'Sadae relationship(toadyism)', while the latter's nomadic nature forced themselves to expect very differently. The unstable relationship between the two, however, was stabilized by a series of Royal matrimonies arranged between several members of both dynasty's Royal houses. These matrimonies also had another facet to them as they were being arranged as a part of the Mongol empire's strategy to keep a closer eye on the Eastern section of the empire. So it becomes clear, that the Korya Royal family, even when its government was defeated and subjugated by the Mongol forces, managed to be considered as an 'In-Law' entity, because there was some mutual interest operating behind the scenes of the dynasties-between relationship. As the previous studies have already confirmed, the Koryo government had to re-establish diplomatic relationships with the Mongol empire and also reinforce the ruling authority of the King which was recently threatened by the insurrection of Im Yeon. In the meantime, the Mongol empire needed to rule out any potential possibilities of an alliance between Koryo and the Southern Sung dynasty, and also had to secure Koryo's active participation in the upcoming invasion of the Japanese islands. The empire's need to stable the Esatern half of the territory, also worked into the matrimonial relationship. Later, when the empire was showing symptoms of diversion and separation, the political and military importance of the 'In-Law' factions became much more significant as they were considered to be potential supporters of the imperial government. The patterns of matrimonial arrangements clearly show that when a marriage was being arranged with tribes of powerful forces, the Kha'an named his own children or the children of a very close relative of his to be on the other side of the marriage, undoubtedly trying to secure their future support in military terms. Koryo was also a similar case, especially considering the 3 Uluses of Chinggis Khan' brothers in the Eastern area of the Empire. These UIuses were equipped with powerful militaries, so they had been kept in check by the Ogedei Kha'an, but eventually played an important role in Qubilai Kha'an's enthronement. The forces under command of these Uluses were also mobilized in the Mongols' attack on the Koryo dynasty, so it was suggested that there was always a potential risk of their taking matters into their own hands and increasing their influences upon the Koryo region, ultimately becoming independent factions just like the Western Uluses. So the most logical choice for the Mongol government, was to establish a matrimonial relationship with the Koryo King, uplifting its political status in the process, and establish a status quo between Koryo and the 3 Uluses, in order to stabilize the potentially-expected power flux throughout the region. Because of this matrimonial relationship between Koryo and the Mongol empire the political system of Koryo and the King's authority showed dual characteristics. What the Mongols wanted from Koryo was not some kind of an economical gain which would be secured by total subjugation, but stabilizing the country as a friendly power group to the central government, in order to eliminate any political alliances with other nearby factions, or unwanted expansions of rival forces throughout the empire. The geographical situation which made total subjugation or direct extraction of resources rather difficult, and the diplomatic efforts of the Koryo Royal family and vassals, also seem to have contributed to the Yuan's established policy. The level of political autonomy seems to have also been granted to the Uighurs, which had a similar matrimonial relationship to the Koryo's relationship with the Mongols. Yet the region was a focal point in the East-West traffic route and was also rich in natural resources, so as the empire continued to develop, Idiquts lost control over the Uighuristan region. We can see that the political status of the Koryo dynasty was not the only case inside the Mongol empire, and among reasons for the relationship being maintained a notable one was indeed geographical conditions.

글쓰기 상담을 통한 인지·정서·행동 변화 - 야스마로의 셀프 카운슬링 기법을 중심으로­ -

이명미 한국언어문학회 2015 한국언어문학 Vol.92 No.-

Self-Counseling will find their own problems and to recognize and control and manage them. This is also consistent with the terms of pursuing the ultimate goal of the client's autonomy and independence of humanitarian counseling. In particular, the self-counseling will allow themselves to be free from bondage in accordance with the criteria to give it to realize the value of existing standards not realize he was unable to come to accept himself. It is thus to analyze their in depth may be helpful to go to "integrate and realize self ultimately self transcendental phenomenon". Writing is minimized and the progress of others involved in the writing process themselves. It can solve the problems that may arise in the conversation counseling intervention by consultants. Simply connect the word, but away from the action out of their experience and imagination weaves a statement and express it through a process of honest reason not themselves have the power to persuade. Therefore, the process of combining writing consultation on self-counseling techniques to obtain a more efficient effect. Watanabe Yasumaro self-counseling techniques are specific and effective way to self-consciousness through writing. Scene situation, '' scene description ',' scenes insight ',' Scene research ', and to understand and objectify their own problems through the five-step process of' scene found. Can overcome the problem through a process of insight. We are challenged by the "small but never not less irritation 'in the real world. If these stimuli do not accumulate throughout life to healthy function acts as a negative impact. The hassle of visiting a professional counselor when and economically. It is suggested that utilize the self-counseling and writing counseling techniques to reduce the time burden. Through this recognition. Emotions. Self-awareness and self-discovery for the action, if further can achieve greater self-understanding and insight remains the health of our lives and can be improved.

고려시대 불교 관련 金石文 撰述의 양상과 고려사회의 성격

이명미 한국중세사학회 2020 한국중세사연구 Vol.0 No.60

Memorial stones were made through Goryeo king’s orders especially for the monks with the titles, ‘king’s teacher(王師)’ or ‘teacher of the country(國師)’ and the inscriptions were usually written by officials in charge of writing king’s orders(文翰官). This reflected the need of the disciples to clarify that the inscription containing the actual interests of Buddhist temples was the king’s will, and also was in line with the system of the king’s teacher(王師) and teacher of the country(國師) operated under the country’s need to control Buddhist churches. The officials in charge of writing king’s orders(文翰官)’ writing inscriptions for the monks has a political and public character. However there was no role of the state in the process of their securing the Buddhist-related knowledge they need to write the inscription. In other words, they were playing a public role based on knowledge gained in private areas. This shows the situation in which Buddhism was established as a universal culture and religion in the Goryeo Dynasty, while also showing the mixed aspect of the official and private sectors in the management of the bureaucracy of the Goryeo Dynasty. This pattern continued in the latter phase of Goryeo Dynasty, but changes occurred at the same time. The authority of the Mongolian emperor was also highlighted in Buddhist-related inscriptions, and Mongolian officials often wrote the inscription or wrote the letters of the inscription in Goryeo. The ‘Monument of Bogwang temple(普光寺碑)’ is a good example of this change and the aspect of Buddhist monks’ disciples’ attempts to secure political authority through the royal order while erecting monuments for their teacher. Since Chung-gam(冲鑑), the key figure of the monument was a ‘teacher of the country(國師)’, the monument could be erected through the royal order if it had not been for his will. When his will led his disciples to build a memorial stone for a temple, not for a monk, they sought to replace the authority they could gain through the royal order by asking Mongolian officials to write the inscription and the letters of the inscription. Meanwhile, the fact that the monument was erected not long after the ‘Anti-Yuan reform’ shows how individuals who were not in the political arena viewed the Goryeo-Mongol relationship at a time when they were understood to have been very estranged from the political and historical point of view.