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19세기 부하라의 권력구조(權力構造)와 아미르 나스룰라(Nasr Allah)의 중앙집권화(中央集權化)
이광태 ( Kwang Tae Lee ) 중앙아시아학회 2009 中央아시아硏究 Vol.14 No.-
Bukharan Amir Nasr Allah, or Nasrullah, is know as one of the most notorious Asian monarchs not only in the west and but also in the Soviet historiography. His "brutality" is believed to have been revealed with the event of the "outrageous" execution of two British officers, Arthur Conolly and Charles Stoddart in 1842. However, this bias derived from the euro-centric view without scrutinizing indigenous sources written in Persian. Consequently, the historical significance of Nasr Allah`s centralization is subject to reevaluation. In fact, in order to properly understand Nasr Allah`s policies, the power structure of the Bukharan Khanate, or Emirate, needs to be analyzed as a prerequisite. The Manghitid dynasty was founded by Muhammad Rahim, a chief of Manghit tribe, who was enthroned in 1756 through the execution of a Chingisid Bukharan khan. However, as one of the Bukharan 92 tribes, the Manghit tribe could not successfully claim their suzerainty over other tribes, who attained their own areas of influence. The Manghitids devised various measures to secure loyalty of other tribes, yet intractable nomadic tribes, including Khitai-Qipchaqs, refused to acknowledge Manghitids` legitimacy. With this political setting, Nasr Allah was involved in succession struggles triggered by his father, Haidar`s death. Unlike other brothers, who primarily found support from Islamic religious group, Ulama, or multi-ethnic Bukharan citizens, his political base was laid on nomadic tribes. With tribal army`s support, He eventually defeated competitors and obtained the throne in 1427. Therefore, Nasr Allah`s subsequent political agenda was to consolidate his power at the expense of tribal chieftains` influence, which culminated due to their crucial role in Nasr Allah`s enthronement. In order to fulfill his political aims, Nasr Allah relied on his chancellor, Muhammad Hakim Qushbegi. The chancellor, who was responsible of administration, encouraged trade with other countries, including Russia, China, Persia and India, and made use of diplomatic tactics to disrupt the hostile alliance among their enemies, which much contributed to releasing fiscal strain caused by a series of expeditions and following rewards bestowed on participating tribal chieftains. Thus, Muhammad Hakim Qushbegi faced tribal chieftains and amirs` opposition, so he endeavored to undermine their power through employing sedentary people. Tadjiks were employed to direct customs office to control tribal dignitaries` trade activities. The standing army, first called "Nizam" and after "Sarbaz", served as a replacement of tribal armies, which constituted main Bukharan military forces. To conclude, the aim of Nasr Allah`s centralization was to check tribal amirs, and Muhammad Hakim Qushbegi played a leading role for that task. The amir followed Muhammad Hakim Qushbegi`s policies even after his death in 1837. Sedentary personalities continued to be mobilized to check amirs. The standing army was enlarged and contributed to conquering Khokand in 1842. Also, vigorous world trade centered on Bukhara, which was peculiar circumstances of the 19th century Bukhara, nurtured the Tadjik merchant class and consequently helped Nasr Allah`s centralization.
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`아탈륵` 및 `쿠쉬베기(코쉬베기)` 직제(職制) 변화를 통해 본 19세기 부하라의 정치체제 변혁
이광태 ( Lee Kwang-tae ) 중앙아시아학회 2017 中央아시아硏究 Vol.22 No.1
Majma□ al- arqam, produced in the Bukhara Manghit dynasty in the late 18th century, is recognized as one of the most important sources on the eighteenth century Bukhara political and administrative structure. However, the descriptions on the post of Ataliq as provider of water into irrigations in Bukhara and on Qoshbegi(Qushbegi) as manager of the royal hunt have been in dispute among scholars. Some historians even consider the accounts as separate from the reality, remaining skeptical of the reliability of the source. Based on the analysis of the double layer political system in the previous nomadic empires, this paper argues that the Uzbek khanate and the early Bukhara emirate proved to hold the similar political systems. Then, from the late eighteenth century, the political situation began to change as the Manghit rulers launched their projects of legitimation, which eventually resulted in the change of the character of the two posts in the Bukhara administration. This transformation reflected the Manghit dynasty`s success in suppressing the nomadic tribal constituencies and building a new political landscape centered on the Manghit rulers. In that context, the descriptions in the source should be seen to offer a new perspective not only on the neglected part of Central Asian politics, which were both nomadic and sedentary, but also on the transformations that occurred during the nineteenth century in the Bukhara political environments.
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현대 우즈베키스탄의 18-19세기에 대한 역사 관점과 민족 정체성 확립
이광태(Lee, Kwang Tae) 한국슬라브유라시아학회 2021 슬라브학보 Vol.36 No.3
Since its independence in 1991, the Republic of Uzbekistan has maintained the program of building its own national identity, in which writing histories on the Uzbek land and people has played a crucial role. There have been a number of historical works produced by Uzbek scholars, several of whom were directly commissioned or sponsored by the government. Through the analysis of those works, some tendencies of viewpoints in Uzbekistan’s official or semi-official historical writings have been revealed, such as the upholding of prominent historical figures as national heroes and the vilifying of the Soviet past. Nevertheless, the legacy from the Soviet historiography remains influential particularly in the negative judgment of the period of the Uzbek dynasties in the 18th-19th centuries. This paper illustrates how Uzbekistan’s scholars have made efforts to overcome the biases derived from the Soviet historical ideology and methodology that described the rulers of the Uzbek dynasties as “oriental despots” and portrayed the period as that of decline before the Russian expansion into Central Asia. Partly inspired by the Western scholars’ call for research on new historical sources, the recent Uzbek scholarship agree to the necessity of reevaluating the historical developments in 18th-19th century Central Asia. Surprisingly, the reverence of Amir Timur as the greatest Uzbek hero, which the present Uzbekistan government is committed to promote, in effect originated from the political transformation in that period. The pursuit of non-Chinggisid authority by the so-called “tribal dynasties” of Bukhara, Khiva, and Khoqand along with Central Asian people’s aspiration for social stability created the idealization of Amir Timur, which was firmly established during the 19th century. Therefore, the study of the Uzbek society in the 18th-19th centuries, which has thus far been ignored, is of great relevance for understanding the legitimization of the present leadership of the Republic of Uzbekistan.
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19세기 초중엽 중앙아시아 정치 환경 변화와 부하라-히바 관계
이광태 ( Lee Kwang Tae ) 중앙아시아학회 2021 中央아시아硏究 Vol.26 No.1
The history of the “tribal dynasties” of Bukhara and Khiva in the nineteenth century remains little studied. One of the primary reasons for the lack of scholarly attention on the Bukharan Manghit and the Khivan Qungrat dynasties seems to lie in the prejudice that the nineteenth century was the period of decline and “Oriental despotism,” which were clearly shaped by Orientalism underlying the previous scholarship, both the West and the Russia-Soviet. In the same context, the relationship between Bukhara and Khiva in the early and mid-nineteenth century has been disregarded as “feudal” conflict of the two Oriental despotic dynasties. However, in light of changes that occurred in nineteenth century Central Asia, in relation to the unprecedented trade increase throughout the Eurasian continent, the Bukhara-Khivan relations should be reevaluated primarily from the perspective of Central Asia’s political and social transformations. Traditionally, the Abū’l Khayrids in Mā warā al-nahr and the ʿArabshāhids in Khwārazm, each established in the early sixteenth century, had maintained a political rivalry for centuries. The tradition of political competition continued even after the Manghits in Bukhara and the Qungrats in Khiva replaced the two Chinggisid dynasties in the late eighteenth century. However, such a rivalry began to be conditioned by new political factors that emerged under the new circumstances in the nineteenth century. The huge growth in caravan trade across Central Asia brought Russia as an important player into the region even decades before the Russian Empire’s expansion in the 1860s. The tribal resurgency in Central Asia accompanied by the establishment of another independent tribal dynasty in the Ferghana valley, or the Khoqand Khanate, had a crucial impact on the Bukhara-Khiva relationship. In addition, the Qājār Persia’s activities, which were deeply affected by the world-wide confrontation between the Russia and the British Empires, influenced Central Asia’s political situation particularly regarding the Turkmen tribal groups in Merv. The Turkmens’ change of allegiance from Khiva to Bukhara proved critical for the hegemony of the latter over the former. In conclusion, the Bukhara-Khiva relations in the early and mid-nineteenth century show that Central Asia was never isolated but closely connected to the other parts of the world, undergoing various levels of political changes and transformations.
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차세대 위치기반서비스(Location Based Services)를 위한 유무선 통합 솔루션 개발
오재경(Jaekyung Oh),이광태(KwangTae Lee),성인철(InChul Sung),이기종(KiJong Lee) 한국정보과학회 2003 한국정보과학회 학술발표논문집 Vol.30 No.1C
본 논문에서는 PDA(Personal Digital Assistants)를 이용한 차세대 위치기반서비스를 위한 분산 DB 제어기(DB Scheduler)와 XML Interpreter 및 UI Manager를 개발하고 구현하였다. 분산 DB 제어기에서는 지리적으로 떨어져있는 많은 분산 DB의 데이터에 대해 실시간으로 지능적 수집 및 변경 등이 가능하도록 하는 DB 제어기술을 개발하였으며, XML Interpreter 및 UI Manager에서는 하나의 단말기로 다양한 환경 및 서비스 수용이 가능하도록 하는 클라이언트용 기능 개발을 하였으며, 단말기를 서비스 및 목적에 맞게 customize 할 수 있도록 단말기 기종별 개발 언어 등 세부 규격을 분석하고 가능한 국제 표준을 따라 설계서를 작성하였다.
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