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유성준(Yoo Sung-joon) 우리문학회 2004 우리文學硏究 Vol.0 No.17
Pi Ri Xiu(834~883) is known for his poetry, which portrayed the social injustices of his era, for his advocacy of Mencius(孟子) and Han Yu(韓愈), and for his literary association with an insular Soochow(蘇州) coterie centered about Lu Gueimeng(陸龜蒙). Provincial life kept him in close touch with the people and much of his early verse reflects their concerns and hardships:<br/> Deep into autumn the acorns ripen,<br/> Scattering as they fall into the hillside scrub.<br/> Hunched over, a hoary-haired crone<br/> Gathers them, treading the morning frost.<br/> (From “Hsiang-wen tan” [ Lament of an Old Acorn-gatherer])<br/> Having been in the capital off and on since 864, Pi passed the chin-shih(進士) examination in 867. He seems to have never been comfortable in the capital city, which was indeed not the mecca for young graduates it had been several generations earlier. Unable to find either patron or position-the two wend hand in hand in the late Tang-he went to Soochow and attached himself to the coterie of the prefect, Ts’ui P’u. in a matter of months he and Lu Kueimeng, a scion of a prominent local clan, had become fast friends. Pi traveled back to the capital and served in the government there, attaining the rank of Erudite of the National University. His family may have stayed in the South. And as he returned there in 880 with an appointment to a post in Chang chou he encountered Huang Chao and his rebel horded returning from Canton. Apparently swept up by the possibility of replacing a corrupt regime, Pi joined the rebels and upon their arrival in Chang-an was made a Han-lin(翰林) Academician in the Ta-Ch’i dynasty. It soon became apparent that Huang Chao was not receptive to advice from his courtiers; many of them were persecuted for admonishing him. Although there are several accounts of Pi’s death(this is the other major concern of modern critics, but none of the theories has solid textual support), it seems most likely that Pi offended Huang Chao and was put to death by the rebel leader.<br/> Pi Ri Xiu’s poetic legacy represents the two major tendencies of the late Tang and perhaps illustrates by its inadequacies some of the reasons for the prominent place of the new lyrics(tz’u 詞) on the literary stage of the Five Dynasties and Sung. The inner drive which seems to have steered Pi through his capricious career-from avid reformer, to recluse-poet, to rebel-in addition to the large and varied corpus he has left, make him one of the most fascinating minor literary figures of the late Tang.
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유성준 ( Sung Joon Yoo ) 한국중국학회 2004 國際中國學硏究 Vol.7 No.-
說到淸代詩學與韓國漢文學的交流關系, 其黃金時期就是종大約17世紀卽朝鮮朝英正祖時代前後開始的. 所以其有關資料也是종朝鮮中後期的文獻中, 部分的可以抽出而參考. 然而其資料範圍也有限制, 종數多文人的文集里, 難조朝鮮人評淸代詩文的文章, 只有閱覽朝鮮詩話종編與黃玹, 李建昌文集等朝鮮末期典籍而已. 最近我在集中搜集有關資料當中, 直接體驗此種學朮上的狀況, 不禁可惜之感. 寫本文的過程中, 幸好在李德懋《淸脾록》及《東詩종話》(作者未詳)幾個資料中, 조出不少有關王士楨等的評價資料. 但有關這類的評語, 在朝鮮有相當數之記록, 可想而知在這時期對淸代詩也有相當的重視及肯定. 但也可指出其對象以王士楨開始, 不過僅局限于幾個人, 論理性不足. 現實雖然如此, 但朝鮮朝之資料在本文是初次搜集整理的部分, 其價値흔高. 寫本文的過程中, 在朝鮮朝後期發現對于淸代詩之評價之理由, 是受到朝鮮朝英正祖時代, 實學派登場的實事求是的學風有關. 朝鮮朝詩學的主流是根據唐宋詩的, 其脈絡也象徵韓國漢詩的風格. 由此可見, 在朝鮮朝後期조出對淸代詩學的評價, 可說是韓國漢詩史之特徵. 종1945年在日本的統治到獨立之後, 因半世紀以上, 在中國詩硏究都以唐宋詩爲主, 然其實硏究淸代詩學之成果, 在比率上是相當低的. 因此其硏究之量與質比其他部門, 不算흔高, 硏究對象也極有限定. 淸代詩學硏究主持中, 柳晟俊的《淸詩話硏究》等只有幾本而已, 而論文的主題也以王士楨, 袁枚, 沈德潛, 翁方綱, 主夫之, 黃遵憲等四大詩論爲主的詩論, 以及著重若干的詩話分析, 如근純粹的淸詩話硏究比較, 有相當低調的傾向. 其理由已提示過, 淸詩硏究脫離了詩硏究的對象中心軸, 但以硏究學問之均衡的發展及硏究對象之價値來判斷, 切實體會要開始大幅的活性化.
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柳晟俊(Yoo Sung-Joon) 동아인문학회 2007 동아인문학 Vol.12 No.-
Xiao Ying Shi(蕭潁士 zi Mao Ting 茂挺) was a lifelong friend of Li Hua(李華), with whose name hisis often joined as a forerunner of the Gu-wen yun-dong(古文運動). His official career was unsuccessful; though he was the highest jin-shi(進士) graduate of 735, he never went on to enjoy the long-term service in one of the academic institutions at Chang-an(長安). The need for a patron led him in 742 to write to the prominent official historian Wei Shu(韋述) one of the most extensive self-apologies to survive from the mid-eighth century. In this "贈韋司業書(Letter to Vice-president Wei)" he described himself as a single-minded, isolated, and austere scholar, very different from the ambitious, opportunistic, and morally lax horde against whom he was forced to compete. He was interested in problems of dynastic legitimacy as they affected the line of succession(正統) from the Liang(梁) dynasty, from whose imperial house he was descended, to the Tang(唐). He emphasized the moral function of literature and condemned writing that showed mere technical virtuosity or powers of description. He also stressed, both explicitly and implicitly in his own sometimes densely allusive prose style, the primacy of Confucian canonical texts as models. His poetry style succeeded to Shi Jing(詩經) four words style(四言體), and the form and contents modeled after a pattern of Shi Jing's descriptive style and Confucian poetical education(詩敎).
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