스크롤 압축기의 급유량 계측

유동원(Yoo Dong-won),이병철(Lee Byeong-chul),유병길(Yoo Byung-gil),최세헌(Choi Se-heon) 대한설비공학회 2003 대한설비공학회 학술발표대회논문집 Vol.2003 No.-

중국 군사체제 개혁과 한국의 대응

유동원(Yoo, Dong-Won) 부산대학교 한국민족문화연구소 2016 한국민족문화 Vol.61 No.-

본 논문의 연구목적은 최근 진행되고 있는 중국 군사체제 개혁의 배경, 내용과 과제를 분석하는 것이다. 지난 2012년 말 취임 이래 시 주석은 실전에서 싸워 이기는 데 초점을 맞춰 군대를 새롭게 건설해야 하며 이를 위해 훈련과 운영체제 등도 대폭 개편해야 한다고 주장해왔다. 이 가운데 2015년 11월 대외적으로 공표된 군사체재 개혁이 2016년 초에 접어들면서 확실한 윤곽을 드러내고 있다. 5대 군·병종 체제의 확립, 5개 전구의 신설과 더불어 지휘영도체제의 개편과 육군지도기구 신설 등 로 공식 개편했다. 이밖에 시진핑 지도부는 강력한 군 부패척결을 지속해서 진행하는 동시에 2015년 9월 3일 항일전쟁 승전 70주년 기념 열병식에서 군 병력을 30만 명 감축하겠다고 선언했다. 시진핑 주석이 표방하는 개혁 목표는 정보전에서 싸워서 이기는 군대를 만들자는 것이다. 최근의 개혁은 예상을 뛰어 넘어 광범위하게 진행되고 있지만, 그러나 그 성과는 크게 만족스럽지 못하다. 먼저 체제개혁에도 불구하고 여전히 육군이 중앙군위와 신설된 전구의 요직을 차지하고 있다. 이번 군 개혁의 핵심은 중국 군의 ‘연합(합동)작전 능력의 강화’이다. 합동지휘체제에 대한 검증은 현대적이고 전면적 전투를 통해 가능하다. 그래서 개혁이 완성되는 시점인 2020년까지는 보다 균형 잡힌 진정한 합동군 출현을 기대하기는 힘들다. China has officially revealed guidelines on military reforms, which can be considered as definite pointers to the likely shape of PLA. Aims of Reforms to Achieve a breakthrough in military administrative system and joint combat system. This Reform in the PLA is probably the largest military reform since the founding of the PRC in 1949. The 4 General Departments have been absorbed into the CMC to be become 4 of the 15 Departments under the CMC. The new Army General Command and Strategic Support Force have been founded, reporting to the CMC. The former Second Artillery Corps is renamed as the Rocket Force. The 7 Military Regions have been re-structured into 5 War Zones. The reform envisages firmly establishing a joint operational command structure, as part of an effort to improve joint warfighting operations in contrast to the old, peacetime-focused Military Regions. By eradicating the conventional structure in which the army played a leading role, the operations of the army, the navy, the air force and the strategic rocket force would be controlled in a unified way, so that the PLA could be turned into a nimble and capable military force. The plan also calls for cutting the number of troops by 300,000. In conclusion, the reforms underway within the PLA are in the process of delivering sweeping changes to its day-to-day operations, despite concerns held by some members of the military. Whether or not the overall implementation is successful, assessing the operational implications of the reforms will require more time as details emerge from exercises and other activities in which the PLA puts “theory” into “practice”.

탈냉전시기 미국의 대대만정책: 형성배경과 변화

유동원 ( Dong Won Yoo ) 한국외국어대학교 외국학종합연구센타 중국연구소 2006 中國硏究 Vol.38 No.-

중국의 대아프리카 소프트파워 외교와 경제협력

유동원 ( Dong Won Yoo ) 한중사회과학학회 2010 한중사회과학연구 Vol.8 No.2

This paper aims to deal with the argument on China`s soft power by making an analysis of her economic cooperation with Africa. China`s presence in and other links to Africa have expanded greatly during the current decade. Seeking new markets for its export-driven economy and unimpeded access to Africa`s abundant natural resources, China lavishes African leaders with financial and commercial aid. Beijing is building ties with African energy suppliers through investment, aid, and a strict policy of "noninterference in internal affairs" that Africa`s strongmen find comforting. China has invested billions in resource development and infrastructure-and written off billions more in debt-to help build cozy relationships with dozens of African countries. So in parts of Africa, the so-called "Beijing consensus" on authoritarian government plus a market economy has become more popular than the previously dominant "Washington consensus" of market economics with democratic government. China has reinforced this attraction by economic aid and access to its growing market. Chinese policies are supporting African dictatorships, hindering economic development, and exacerbating conflicts and human rights abuses in troubled countries such as Sudan and Zimbabwe. So there is limitation in China`s soft power because of aid problems.

시진핑시기 중국외교정책 분석 - 역할이론을 중심으로 -

유동원 ( Dong Won Yoo ) 대한정치학회 2017 大韓政治學會報 Vol.25 No.4

이 연구의 목적은 역할이론(Role Theory)에 기초하여 시진핑 시기 중국의 국가역할과 외교정책을 분석하는 것이다. 이를 위해 역할이론의 국제관계에서의 발전과 주요개념을 분석하고, 이를 통해 중국의 국가역할의 변화과정을 고찰하며, 국내적 및 국제적 기대에 기초하여 시진핑(習近平) 시기 외교정책을 고찰한다. 특히 시진핑의 집권을 알리는 18차 당대회 정치보고에서 공식적으로 명기된 ‘강대국 역할’에 주목하여, 이를 통해 중국의 외교정책 행위들이 다양한 역할을 수행하고 있으며, 이 역할들이 변화하고 있음을 밝히고자 한다. 그리고 중국 국가역할의 국내적 요인으로서 역사적 자기(historical self)와 국제적 요소로서 역할부여(altercasting)을 통해 ‘중국의 꿈’ 실현을 위한 외교와 ‘신형대국관계’를 살펴본다. 중국이 1949년 건국이후 지금까지 국제관계에서 3가지 형태, 즉 사회주의 국가, 개발도상국, 강대국 등의 ‘기본적 국가역할’(master national role)을 수행하고 있다. 시진핑 주석은 기존의 사회주의 대국, 최대의 개발도상국이외에 강대국 지위를 새롭게 강조한 개념인 ‘책임대국’ 혹은 ‘신형대국’의 역할을 제시하고 있다. 그리고 이를 통해 중국은 이러한 역할 변화와 다양한 역할 부여를 도모하면서 자신의 대외정책 행위에 유연성을 부여하고 있다. 특히 ‘중국의 꿈’ 실현을 위한 외교를 강조하면서 과거 치욕의 역사를 극복하고 군사강국, 문화강국, 과학기술강국, 해양강국을 건설하여 국제무대에서 책임대국으로서 역할을 수행할 것이라고 역설하고 있다. 이러한 중국 국가역할 형성에 역사적 자기(historical self)로서 과거 역사적 치욕 극복, 사회주의 이념, 타자 특히 미국의 역할기대와 규정이 작용하고 있다. China is often seen as a threat to global security. Significant others including the US, Japan and the ASEAN nations have seen China’s role as that of an aggressive actor. China’s Peaceful Rise was a direct response to the China threat theory. China’s Peaceful Rise, later given the title China’s Peaceful Development was an attempt to present a different view of China’s future role within international relations and to present China as a responsible great power. China can play both the role of an aggressive actor and of a responsible actor. The fact that China plays both roles can be explained by the development of its historical self and by international expectations of China’s role in the world. Within the development of China’s contemporary role, the historical self conceptualizes China as a central power. This historical self also creates a very strict understanding of the limits of those territories and has created a role for China that can often be contradictory. China is attempting to play the role of a responsible great power in global governance. This can be seen by its increased activity, in particular in global security responses. There is a domestic expectation that China should play a greater role in global affairs, and an external expectation that China should become a responsible great power and assume some of the burden of insuring global peace and security.

역할이론의 발전과 국제관계

유동원(Dong Won Yoo) 한국국제정치학회 2017 國際政治論叢 Vol.57 No.3

중국의 외교 내러티브(Narrative) 연구

유동원(Yoo Dongwon) 한양대학교 아태지역연구센터 2018 중소연구 Vol.42 No.3

This article examines the China’s diplomatic narratives Under Xi Jinping’s leadership. It focuses on the concept and analyzes the context of this new narrative : Chinese Dream, community of shared destiny for mankind, new model of international relations, and great power diplomacy with Chinese characteristics. Under Xi’s leadership, foreign policy has been named “great power diplomacy with Chinese characteristics,” which confirms that China’s strategic goal of regaining superpower status remains. The Chinese narrative and policy actions are more vigorously spreading all over the world. At the same time, China extensively promotes Asia as a global centre, trying to bypass or ignore the West. Chinese leaders more openly refer to the country’s ancient tradition from a time when China was the world’s centre. China would like to set the tone and lead the world, which indicates that geopolitical competition will become even more apparent. Under “China’s solution,” Xi would like to export Chinese standards, values and principles as more effective and inclusive than those of the West. There is no doubt that China is already exporting its way of thinking worldwide. The PRC is using soft tools(narratives), influencing other countries directly and indirectly. China seems to be effective in convincing others to buy Chinese rhetoric consciously or unconsciously. The Belt and Road Initiative, known and being discussed globally, is a good example.

사회과학(社會科學) : 중국의 유엔평화유지활동 정책: 배경, 특징과 제약요인

유동원 ( Dong Won Yoo ) 한국외국어대학교 외국학종합연구센타 중국연구소 2008 中國硏究 Vol.43 No.-

기획3차 북핵 실험 이후 중국 대북정책의 변화 가능성과 한계

유동원 ( Dong Won Yoo ) 국방대학교 안보문제연구소 2013 국방연구 Vol.56 No.3

Following North Korea`s third nuclear weapons test in February this year, much attention has been paid to debates within China over its troublesome neighbour, with some suggesting severing ties to the North altogether. These discussions don`t reflect a fundamental shift underway in China`s North Korea policy. China`s core preference-stability over de-nuclearisation has not changed under the new President, Xi Jinping. After the third test, China supported UNSCR 2094, but the lack of strategic trust of the United States in the region and perceived negative consequences of tough economic action all serve to constrain China today.

21세기 중국 대외전략과 핵심이익 외교

유동원 ( Dong Won Yoo ) 한중사회과학학회 2011 한중사회과학연구 Vol.9 No.2

For about two decades after the end of the Cold War, Chinese leaders have become less willing to make adaptations and more ready to assert its interests to prevail. It is not difficult to find enough evidence to demonstrate that China has indeed been more forceful in asserting its core interests in 2010. Chinese scholars and policy makers are debating whether China should abandon the low profile policy. While some people urged the government to abandon what they perceived as passive policy and take a "great power" position to ensure a "just" world, others called for a modified and more active taoguangyanghui policy, giving more emphasis on "youshuozuowei" (striking some points/successes) and taking a more active role in pursing certain foreign policy objectives, particularly in China`s core interest issue areas. The third view is to continue the low key policy and avoid taking leadership position on most issues. This delicate behavior is a manifestation of a confusing dual-identity of China as a rising great power and a developing country. China still hesitates to use its rising power status to bolster the global common welfare because China continues to make most of its foreign policy-decisions based on the issues that are of importance only to China rather than on the basis of broader regional or global concerns. From this perspective, China`s assertiveness reflects more of its ambivalent rising power position than its aggressiveness.