강화도 답사기 - 辛未殉義塚을 다녀와서

연갑수 한국역사연구회 1998 한국역사연구회회보 Vol.- No.33

大院君 執政의 성격과 權力構造의 변화

延甲洙 서울대학교 인문대학 국사학과 1992 韓國史論 Vol.27 No.-

朝鮮後期 謄錄에 대한 硏究

延甲洙 한국외국어대학교 역사문화연구소 2000 역사문화연구 Vol.12 No.-

서평 2 : 흥선대원군 이하응의 예술세계 -흥선대원군 이하응의 내면 읽기-

연갑수 일지사(한국학보) 2004 韓國學報 Vol.30 No.4

『日省錄』의 사료적 가치와 활용 방안

연갑수 한국고전번역원 2004 民族文化 Vol.- No.27

영조대 對淸使行의 운영과 對淸關係에 대한 인식

연갑수 서울대학교 규장각한국학연구원 2010 한국문화 Vol.51 No.-

The reign of Joseon’s King Yeongjo (1724~1776) corresponds to that of Yongzheng Emperor (1722~1735) and Qianlong Emperor (1735~1795) of Chinese Qing Dynasty. In that period, Joseon and Qing were stable in politics and had kept good relations with each other. Such good relations resulted from Qing Emperors’ preferential treatment on Joseon - the Emperors had led the relations with Joseon. Amicable relations of that period can be evidenced by the frequency of envoy dispatches. Average annual Joseon-to-Qing envoy dispatch had declined from 2.42 times to 1.67 times while average Qing-to-Joseon envoy dispatch from 1.29 times to 0.43 times. Envoy dispatch gave a great burden to the national finance of both countries, in particular, being far heavier on Joseon. The declined frequency indicates that Qing Emperors had confidence in Joseon and there were not much issues to be solved politically. Aside the political stability of bilateral relations, Joseon had a economic difficulty in maintaining the envoy delegation. Joseon had earned lots of Japan’s silver through the transit trade between Qing and Japan. However, since 1720s Joseon’s silver stock had dropped sharply due to the rapid decline of japan's silver production, the rise of Chinese raw silk price and others. So, Joseon government restricted the unauthorized trading and private trade of civil trader in order to prevent the outflow of silver. The measure was obviously expected to strengthen the exclusive power of envoy trade which had been exercised by the hands-on staff of delegation, that is, interpreter. But, in the condition that silver outflow should be prevented, any measure could not help reducing the size of envoy trade. The most sensitive issues, which King Yeongjo had given much attention to in relation with Qing, were the installation of Hyojang crown prince (孝章世子) who was only seven years old and the description of King Injo Restoration in 『Ming History (明史)』- At that time, Qing was preparing to publish the official history of Ming Dynasty and Joseon tried that King Injo Restoration would not be described as Injo's usurpation of Gwanghaegun’s throne in 『Ming History』. For King Yeongjo who was week in the legitimacy of accession, such issues should be solved to show his dignity as King. Though the department of protocol of Qing raised an objection, the installation of Hyojang crown prince was approved by Qing Emperor finally in 1725. King Injo Restoration issue was successfully settled in 1739 by officially receiving, from Qing government, the printed copy of the part related to Joseon in 『Ming History』. In King Yeongjo period, there were important cooperators for Joseon’s envoy dispatch. The typical cooperator was Kim Sang-Myeong (1668 ?~ 1742). He is the grandson of Kim Yeo-gyu who defected to Qing around 1627. His family gained the favor of Kangxi Emperor and especially Kim Sang-Myeong assumed high-ranking position by contributing to Yongzheng Emperor’s ascending. He played important roles in solving diplomatic issues Joseon requested to Qing in the background. In particular, He played a crucial part in changing the contents of 『Ming History』. Zheng Shitai (鄭世泰), a Beijing-based business magnate, actually monopolized the trade of Joseon delegation in Beijing. Besides trading, Joseon delegation had procured urgent financing and other conveniences. King Yeongjo and other leaders of Joseon had dual attitudes for Qing. They thought intentionally and unfairly that both Yongzheng Emperor and Qianlong Emperor were inclined to luxury life and had brutal and miser mind. They also focused on the negative aspect of Qing that overall Qing society admired luxury life. Such was based on the idea that Qing was a barbarian dynasty. However, on the other hand, they acknowledged that Qing imposed lighter taxes than Ming and was generous to Joseon and Joseon’s delegation. In terms of the change of international order, persons in p...

[사실, 이렇게 본다 : 대원군 집권기의 역사적 위치] 흥선대원군에 대한 오해와 진실

연갑수 내일을 여는 역사 2006 내일을 여는 역사 Vol.23 No.-

이필제 연구

연갑수 동학학회 2003 동학학보 Vol.6 No.-

이필제는 1869년 진천작변, 1870년 진주작변, 1871년 영해란, 조령 난 등을 주도하였던 인물이다. 젊어서부터 북벌에 대한 의지를 갖고 있던 이필제는 그 후 정감록적 사유의 영향으로 북벌에 대한 종교적 사명감을 갖게 되었다. 이필제는 북벌론에 대한 의지를 갖고 있었기 때문에 피난이나 은둔으로 머물 수도 있던 정감록적 소극성을 극복할 수 있었고, 정감록을 통한 메시아적 사명감을 갖게 됨으로써 북벌에 대한 의지를 실천에 옮길 수 있게 되었다. 이필제는 정감록적 사유방식과 북벌론을 결합함으로써 각 지역에 서 정감록에 기반하여 변란을 도모하던 세력과 연합하여 거사를 준비 할 수 있었다. 즉 거사가 성공하면 이필제는 중원을 차지하고 조선에 대한 통치는 현지 세력의 차지가 되게 하자는 역할 분담이 있었다. 이필제는 서양의 침입에 대하여 막연한 위기의식을 갖고는 있었지 만 청나라를 정벌하는데 서양과 결합할 수도 있다는 생각을 하였다. 이러한 의식은 서양의 침입에 대하여 중국이 조선과 운명공동체라고 생각한 최제우와의 차이점이다. 1871년 영해란에 이필제의 제안에 따라 동학교단이 참여하게 된 것 은 당시 동학교단에는 아직도 정감록적인 진인에 대한 기대감이 남아 있었음을 보여주는 것이다. 즉 이필제를 진인으로서 기대하였던 것으 로 보인다. 그러나 영해란의 실패를 통하여 동학교단은 정감록적인 사유방식을 극복하고 기도를 통한 수양을 강조하는 방향으로 발전하 게 되었다. 이를 통하여 동학은 정감록이나 미륵신앙 등과 같은 이전 단계의 민중들의 종교와는 질적으로 다른 발전방향을 잡을 수 있었다. 다른 한편 이필제가 제기하였던 최제우에 대한 신원은 교단의 중심 과제였다. 그런데 최제우에 대한 신원은 국가정책을 바꾸어야 하는 문제로서 아무리 평화적인 수단을 취한다고 할지라도 정치적 성격을 띨 수밖에 없는 문제였다. 그리고 그러한 정치적 해결은 동학이 근대 적 교단으로 발전하기 위해서는 거치지 않을 수 없는 문제였다. Lee Pil-je was the mastermind and commander of a series of insurrections sparked across Korea in the late 19th century, including the Jincheon Uprising of 1869, the Jinju Insurrection of 1870 and the Yeonghae and Joryeong Uprisings of 1871. He nurtured expansionist ideas from his formative years on. His ambition to conquer the north, more specifically Qing Dynasty China, found fodder during his later years in Jeongamnok, an apocryphal book of prophecy, and became thereafter vested with a devotional intensity. However, unlike many others who responded to prophesies in Jeonggamnok by fleeing to the mountains, Lee Pil-je derived from it a sense of messianic mission which enabled him to put his expansionist ideas into action. By integrating the moral tenet of Jeongamnok with this expansionism, he managed to create a coalition force uniting Jeongamnokinfluenced local factions across the regions of Joseon, conspiring to disrupt the order of the regime, to serve his enterprise. The bargain was simply that, once the northern conquest was successfully brought to shore and China, handed to Lee Pil-je, Korea would be left under the control of these rebels. As for the possibility of invasion by western powers, while harboring a vague sense of threat, Lee Pil-je believed ultimately that they could be allies in his bid to conquer Qing China. In this, Lee Pil-je clearly parted with Choi Je-u, the founder of the Donghak religion, who considered China and Joseon as sharing a community of fate insofar as they were both targets of the West's predatory ambitions. Notwithstanding, Lee Pil-je succeeded in enlisting Donghak followers in the Yeonghae Uprising in 1871 he masterminded. The fact suggests that in spite of the substantial ideological difference, Choi Jewoo's disciples and devotees still considered this 'Messiah' and guru of Jeonggamnok as an ally in a common cause and perhaps even indeed as a kind of savior. However, after the Yeonghae Uprising was suppressed, quashing hopes for change, Donghak followers made a turnabout, clearly marking their distance from the doctrines professed by Jeonggamnok, toward a more spiritual direction, emphasizing prayer and self-discip line. From this point on, relinquishing its ties to popular cults including those spawned by Jeonggamnok and Mireuksinang, Donghak developed into a qualitatively different belief system. In the meantime, the suggestion by Lee Pil-je to posthumously rehabilitate Choi Je-u, who had been put to death after being declared a propagator of an evil cult and instigator of mutiny, remained the central question for the main body of believers. Attempting to rehabilitate a man condemned by the regime was tantamount to openly challenging the political authorities, no matter what peaceful form it took. But this quandary was something Donghak had to contend with, even at the cost of antagonizing the regime, in order for it to earn the legitimacy necessary to develop into a modern religion.

高宗 初中期(1864~1894) 정치변동과 奎章閣

연갑수 서울대학교 규장각한국학연구원 1994 규장각 Vol.17 No.-

.

박규수를 통해서 본 19세기 조선사회 김명호, 『환재 박규수 연구』, 창비, 2008

연갑수 민족문학사연구소 2009 민족문학사연구 Vol.39 No.-