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변창구 대구효성가톨릭대학교 1997 연구논문집 Vol.56 No.1
The Association of Southeast Asian Nations(ASEAN) adopted the concept of ZOPFAN(Zone of Peace, Freedom and Neutrality) in 1971 in order to sustain peace and stability in Southeast Asia. The ZOPFAN declaration constituted an attempt by ASEAN to disengage the region from superpower rivalry. When the Soviet Union expanded its influence to Vietnam after 1975, Malaysia and Indonesia proposed the Southeast Asia Nuclear Weapon Free Zone(SAENWFZ) in 1983 which then became an essential component of ZOPFAN. The Treaty on Southeast Asia Nuclear Weapon Free Zone signed by all the ten nations of Southeast Asia during the 5th ASEAN Summit in December 1995, has been in force since 27 March 1977. This has been a significant step towards the realization of ZOPFAN. But the five declared nuclear powers-the United States, Britain, France, China and Russia-has refused to sign the protocol of the treaty, citing objection to several elements in the agreement. In this reason the effectiveness of the treaty is greatly limited. Therefore ASEAN has tried to win international recognition and support for ZOPFAN and SEANWFZ. And at same time ASEAN has pursued consultation with nuclear powers concerning the revision of the protocol. As a result of these efforts there remains only a little difference of views between ASEAN and nuclear powers.
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邊昌九 대구효성가톨릭대학교 1990 연구논문집 Vol.41 No.1
The Soviet Union under Gorbachev is intensifing its efforts in Asia, and the Asian direction has been given one of the highest priorities in the conduct of Soviet external policy. This new emphasis on Asia was probably brought about by new concepts and new ways of thinking in the making of Soviet foreign policy. The important official statements concerning his new policy toward Asia is as follows: 1) 'The Proposal for All Asian Security Conference' in May 1985. 2) 'The Soviet Government Statement on the Asia-Pacific region' in April 1986. 3) 'The Vladivostok Speech' in July 1986. 4) 'The Krasnoyarsk Address' in September 1988. Gorbachev's new policy toward Asia aims to change the balance of power between United States and Soviet Union, and at the same time to develop economic cooperation between Soviet Union and Asia-Pacific countries. Therefore we must have a correct understanding of his new peace offensive and actively meet with the change of Soviet Asian policy.
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아세안의 자유무역지대화 정책 : 평가와 전망 Evaluation and Prospect
변창구,여강모 효성여자대학교 법정연구소 1997 법정연구 Vol.4 No.-
These days the international economic order is being reorganized by the regionalismwhich is represented as the European Union(EU), the North American Free TradeArea(NAFTA) and liberalism in trade known as the World Trade Organization(WTO). TheAssociation of Southeast Asian Nations(ASEAN) has tried to solidify the political, economic,and diplomatic cooperations among the member countries since it was formed in 1967.Especailly ASEAN has promoted to reinforce economic cooperation in many ways, but itseffect is very exceedingly limited. The most significant step in enhancing trade in ASEAN was the decision of the 4thASEAN Summit in 1992 to establish the ASEAN Free Trade Area(AFTA). The primaryobjective of AFTA was to enhance ASEAN's position as a competitive production basegeared 掠ward sevicing the global market. The Common Effective Preferential Tariff(CEPT)Scheme, which is the main mechanism for realizing AFTA, was launched on 1 January1993. The CEPT Scheme requires the reduction of tariffs for all products in the InclusionList the elimination of quantitative restriction as well as other non-tariff barriers. This thesis aims to study the real aspects of AFTA and exactly understand its developmental process. And so we have studied the backgrounds of establishing AFTA,and then analyzed its main contents which is included the Singapore Declaration, the Framework Agreement on Enhancing ASEAN Economic Cooperation and CEPT Arrangement. Finally we would like to have a vision of the AFTA by evaluating the effects and problems which is being occurred in the course of AFTA
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변창구 한국통일전략학회 2016 통일전략 Vol.16 No.4
The purpose of this paper is to analyze and estimate the decision of THAAD arrangement as the national security strategies, and then present developmental problems. In the positive point of view, The THAAD with PAC-2 can be contributed to the defense against a missile attacking from North Korea, and also it will be conyributed the enhancement of Korea-US alliance. But the THAAD can affect Korea-China relations adversely, and the widening of hegemonic competition between the US and China will cause a difficult diplomatic choice for Korea. Therefore Park Geun-hye adminstration should solve the security problems as follows: In the first, Korea-US alliance should be reinforced to guarantee the US extended deterrence. Second, in the long term perspective, we must strengthen our defensive strength. Third, the strategic partnership between Korea and China should be restored. Fourth, in the process of establishing the national security strategy the public opinion should be unified. Fifth, the secret of the very important national security strategy should be maintained. And finally, the national security consciousness should be enhanced. 본 연구의 목적은 현실주의(realism)적 관점에서 박근혜 정부의 국가안보전략으로서 사드 배치 결정이 어떠한 의미를 가지고 있는가를 분석, 평가하고 향후 발전과제를 제시하는데 있다. 사드 배치는 북한의 미사일 공격에 대해서 PAC-2와 함께 중첩적인 방어망을 구축할 수 있을 뿐만 아니라, 한․미 동맹을 더욱 강화하는 효과를 수반함으로써 미국의 안보지원을 증대시킬 수 있다는 점에서 국가안보에 기여할 수 있다. 반면에 중국의 강한 반발로 한․중 협력관계가 훼손될 수 있고, 미․중 전략적 패권경쟁이 심화됨으로써 한국의 외교적 선택이 더욱 어려워질 수 있다는 점이 우려된다. 따라서 박근혜 정부는 향후 국가안보전략을 추진함에 있어서 다음과 같은 과제들을 해결해 나가야 한다. 첫째, 미국의 확장억지력을 확실히 보장받기 위하여 한․미 동맹의 강화가 필요하다. 둘째, 장기적 안목에서 북한 핵과 미사일에 대처할 수 있도록 핵개발을 포함한 자체 방위력을 제고하여야 한다. 셋째, 훼손된 한․중 전략적 협력관계를 회복, 발전시켜야 한다. 넷째, 국가안보전략의 수립에 있어서 국론통일이 요구되고 있다. 다섯째, 중요한 국가안보전략의 추진에 있어서 기밀유지의 필요성이다. 마지막으로 지역이기주의 극복과 국가안보의식의 함양이 절실하다.
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