21세기 기후변화를 이해하기 위한 길잡이 - 길런 다시 우드, 『세계사를 바꾼 화산, 탐보라』(소와당, 2017)

백선례 한국생태환경사학회 2018 생태환경과역사 Vol.- No.4

‘산림의 갱(gang)’ 송충이 대발생과 식민정부의 대응

백선례 서울대학교 규장각한국학연구원 2018 한국문화 Vol.0 No.81

During the Japanese colonial period, the pine-caterpillar (Dendrolimus spectabilis) had already been causing damage to pine trees annually, and the colonial authorities had been paying attention to this problem from the beginning. Among the forest disasters, disease and insect damage and wildfires were the most damaging to the Korean forest. In particular, focusing on insect damage was due to the belief that natural disasters like pine-caterpillar can be resolved to some extent by the power of modern scientific knowledge and technology. Also, these achievements could show off the necessity for a colonial rule. For this reason, the colonial authorities had tried various ways to eliminate pine-caterpillar and reduce forest damage. The method used to be the most popular in Korean was continuously implemented by catching pine-caterpillar, and also attempted to use drugs and light traps. However, the effects of the human being on pest control were insignificant and consequently it was concluded that the most appropriate method of pest control was to change the forest structure of Korea. It was true that mixed forests are more effective than pine forests in preventing pests. However, emphasizing the basic principles of afforestation in this way meant eventually giving up pest control. Especially during the wartime, the goal of forest policy was to secure more timber, so the pest control, which did not have immediate effect, was subordinated. Finally, although not fully mentioned in this article, the destruction of the balance of forest ecosystems causing insect pests emphasized on the responsibility of Koreans entirely, on the other hand forest development during the colonial period wasn’t rarely mentioned.

전시체제기 전염병 예방접종의 강화 - 장티푸스를 중심으로

백선례 역사문제연구소 2020 역사문제연구 Vol.24 No.1

Preventing infectious diseases became an important issue for the Japanese rulers to keep their subjects healthy as a way to prepare for war. In particular, vaccinations as well as improving water supply and sewer systems were urgent tasks for the government to prevent water-borne diseases. However, the Governor-General of Korea turned its attention to vaccinations only as it was difficult to procure sufficient funds for building and repairing the water supply and sewer systems. It naturally led to more frequent vaccination campaigns to wider populations; however, various problems came to light as vaccinations increased quantitatively. Such quantitative expansion occurred on top of the disparity between various regions, revealing the wide regional gap in medical service establishments. Also, issues regarding the efficacy of vaccinations and the quality of vaccines produced in Joseon came to the fore. In response, public health authorities conducted investigations, albeit reluctantly, on the level of side effects after vaccination, and morbidity and mortality rates after vaccination. As the number of vaccination increased during wartime, various numbers related to vaccination were accumulated, and discussions on the vaccination effect emerged, creating a space for improvement. However, the worsening war situation has halted room for this debate and also destroyed the vaccination system that had been established in the early stages of the war. 전시체제기 전쟁을 수행․지원할 인적 자원의 확보를 위해 중요해진 전염병 예방 문제에서, 특히나 환자 발생이 많은 수인성 전염병을 예방하기 위해서는 상하수도 시설 개선 및 예방접종이 중요한 대책이었다. 그러나 상하수도 시설 개선에 들어갈 경비와 자원 확보가 여의치 않았던조선총독부는 예방접종을 내세우게 되었고, 여러 전염병에 대한 예방접종이 증가하였다. 사전방역적 성격을 강조하고, 접종대상도 일반에게로 확대하면서 이전보다 접종이 체계화되었지만, 양적 확대에 따른 여러 가지 문제점도 대두되었다. 이러한 양적 증가는 여러 지역 간 격차위에서 진행되면서, 지역 간 의료시설의 간극을 그대로 드러내었으며, 무엇보다 예방접종의 효과 및 조선에서 제조된 백신의 질 문제가 수면으로 떠올랐다. 이에 방역 당국은 부분적이나마접종 이후 부작용의 정도, 접종 후 이환율 및 사망률에 대한 조사를 시행하기도 하였다. 이처럼 전시체제기 예방접종 증가에 따라 접종에 관한 다양한 수치가 축적되었고, 접종효과에 대한 논의도 대두되면서 예방접종의 전반전인 개선을 강구할 수 있는 공간이 일시적으로 형성될 수 있었다. 그러나 악화되어 가는 전시상황은 이러한 논의가 진전될 수 있는 여지를 중단시켰고 전시체제 초기 자리 잡았던 예방접종 시스템도 붕괴시켰다.

위생비로 본 조선총독부 방역 정책

백선례 부산경남사학회 2022 역사와 경계 Vol.124 No.-

This study analyzed the implementation of preventive measures against infectious disease conducted by the Government-General of Korea, based on budgets allocated for these measures. It intensively examined the expenses for these preventive measures by limiting its scope to budget expenditures and by establishing the pre-1937 period as the period to be analyzed. Sanitation costs accounted for less than 1% of Government-general special account expenditures, and around 5% of local expenditures. The study also found that sanitation expenses were disproportionately allocated to provincial hospitals after 1925. In other words, the Government-General of Korea used only a portion of the remaining sanitation expenses, except those spent for provincial hospitals as infectious disease prevention expenses. Moreover, the ratio of infectious disease prevention expenses to overall sanitation expenses was approximately 5% in dos (道 ,provinces), approximately 7 to 10% at the level of bu(府)s (prefectures), and approximately 15 to 20% in eups (邑, towns)/myeons (面, townships), respectively. Furthermore, this study compared the sanitation expenses and infectious disease prevention expenses according to the regional units (dos, bus, eups, and myeons). There are 14 bu(府)s in total, and about 6% of the total population and 50% of the Japanese in Korea lived there. About 2,400 myeons were inhabited by most of the population. The analysis indicated that the sanitation expenses at the bus level were not significantly different from those at the level of eups and myeons. This result indicates that few benefits were provided to eups, myeons, and residents in these regions in consideration of the number of administrative units at the bus, eup, and myeon levels and the size of population in these regions. Based on the analytic results mentioned above, this study found that the Government-General of Korea allocated minimal budgets for preventive measures against infectious disease for a nominal purpose and responded to the spread of an infectious disease only upon the occurrence of the corresponding disease. 이 글에서는 위생비를 통해 총독부의 방역정책을 접근해보고자 하였다. 방역정책에 쓰인 돈을 살펴보기 위해 세출예산으로 한정하여, 시기도 1937년 이전을 중심으로 살펴보았다. 총독부 특별회계 세출에서 위생비는 1% 미만, 지방비 세출에서 위생비는 5% 내외의 비중을 차지하였다. 총독부 회계와 지방비 모두 1925년 이후 위생비에서 도립의원이 차지하는 비중이 높아졌다. 특히 도위생비에서는 도립의원비를 제외한 나머지 10~20% 중 일부가 전염병예방비로 사용되는 셈이었다. 도에서는 전체 위생비 중 전염병예방비가 5% 내외, 부에서는 7~10% 내외, 읍면에서는 15~20% 내외로 점점 높아지고 있었다. 전염병예방비의 비중으로 보면 읍면 단위가 전염병예방 대책을 시행하는 주요 담당자로 보인다. 부와 읍면 지역 단위로 배정된 위생비와 전염병예방비의 금액을 비교해보면, 위생비의 특징이 보다 명확해진다. 부 지역은 전체 14부 내외로, 전체 인구의 6% 정도, 또한 조선 내 일본인의 50%가 거주하였다. 면 지역은 2,400여개 면에 인구의 대부분이 거주하였다. 그러나 부의 위생비와 읍면의 위생비 차이는 크지 않았으며, 부와 읍면의 개수와 인구 규모를 고려해볼 때 읍면 단위에서는 개별 면과 인구 1인당 돌아가는 혜택은 거의 없었다. 조선총독부의 전반적인 방역정책 예산은 평상시에는 거의 최저 비용으로 명목상으로 유지되다가 특정한 전염병 유행이 나타나면 이에 대응하는 방식이었던 것으로 보인다.

1928년 경성의 장티푸스 유행과 상수도 수질 논쟁

백선례 서울역사편찬원 2019 서울과 역사 Vol.- No.101

During the colonial period, Typhoid fever was one of the most common infectious disease in Joseon. Typhoid, a water-borne disease, occurred at a certain time each year, although its fatality rate was lower that of the same water-borne disease, cholera. Typhoid was not a priority of the sanitary authorities, but it was more difficult to prevent because it was a common disease. Milk, vegetables and fruits were also the causes of typhoid, but the main cause was water. In the colonial Joseon, people were supplied with drinking water primarily through wells and water supply facilities, and wells were generally blamed for the cause of typhoid. However, the typhoid epidemic of Seoul(Gyeongseong) in 1928 was different. In 1928, typhoid epidemic broke out in Seoul from midwinter to early spring and the patients of typhoid were mostly Japanese. Therefore, the water supplies were pointed out as the cause of typhoid. The deficiencies and water quality of the water supply facilities were embroiled in controversy. There was a disagreement between the Gyeongseong city government and the medical community that water supply was the cause of typhoid outbreak. Japanese of all levels of society, including medical circles, Gyeongseong city government officials, citizens, and journalists, argued over water quality and water supply facilities, but as typhoid faded away, the debate on water quality ended without a conclusion. In the debate about water quality, the problems of the Gyeongseong Water Supply System, which used to be the largest facilities of the time, were clearly revealed. The medical community also failed to win a complete victory. In 1928, the typhoid epidemic and the debate about water quality did not serve as a momentum for the management or establishment of the water supply of Seoul. The water supply expansion plan went ahead as scheduled, but the improvements to the water supply facilities was carried out more later. In the end, in 1928, in the debate about water quality, the Keijo Imperial University Medical School and the Gyeongseong city government were busy trying to shift the responsibility to others. In 1928, the typhoid epidemic ended up in exposing the weaknesses of medical knowledge and modern facilities until then. 식민지시기 내내 조선에서 장티푸스는 가장 흔한 전염병 중의 하나였다. 물을 매개로 전파되는 전염병인 장티푸스는 같은 수인성 전염병인 콜레라처럼 치사율이 높지 않았고 매년 일정한 시기에 발생하는 전염병이었기 때문에 방역당국의 우선순위는 아니었다. 그러나 한편으로 일상적으로 발생하는 병이었기 때문에 방역에 더 어려운 점도 있었다. 장티푸스를 매개하는 것으로는 물, 우유, 야채, 과일 등이 있었으나 장티푸스가 발생할 경우 가장 큰 의심을 받는 것은 주로 물이었다. 식민지 조선에서 사람들이 식수를 공급받는 방법은 크게 우물과 수도였고 대개는 우물이 더 강력한 병원으로 지목되었다. 그러나 1928년 경성의 장티푸스 유행은 상황이 달랐다. 1928년 경성의 장티푸스 유행은 한겨울부터 초봄까지 발생하였으며 일본인들에게 주로 발생하였다. 이러한 특이점에 따라 장티푸스의 병원으로 우물이 아닌 수도가 더욱 부각되었다. 상수도 시설의 불완전함과 수질이 논란의 중심이 되었고 수도가 병원이 아니라는 경성부측과 수도가 장티푸스 발생의 원인이라는 의학계측의 의견이 대립하였다. 의학계, 경성부 관계자, 시민, 언론인 등 각계각층의 일본인들이 수질과 상수도 시설을 둘러싼 논쟁을 펼쳤으나, 장티푸스가 점점 사그라지면서 1928년 상수도 수질 논쟁은 결론도 없이 흐지부지 마무리되었다. 이러한 결과와는 별개로 상수도 수질 논쟁 과정에서 당대 최고이자 최대의 시설을 내세웠던 경성 상수도 시설의 문제점이 여실히 드러났으며, 의학계로서도 완전한 승리를 거두지는 못했다. 1928년의 장티푸스 유행과 수질 논쟁은 이후 경성의 상수도 관리나 시설 개선의 특별한 계기가 되었다고 보기는 어렵다. 경성의 상수도 확장 계획은 예정대로 진행되었으나 문제가 되었던 상수도 시설의 개선은 좀 더 이후에 진행되었다. 결국 1928년 경성의 수질 논쟁은 조선 의학계에서 최고의 권위를 지닌 경성제대 의학부와 조선 내 최고의 상수도 시설을 내세운 경성부의 책임회피와 함께 당시까지의 의학 지식과 근대적 시설이 가지는 취약점을 노출한 채 마무리되었다.

1940년대 초 조선총독부 후생국의 신설과 폐지

백선례 역사문제연구소 2023 역사문제연구 Vol.27 No.1

Following the outbreak of the Manchurian Incident, the Ministry of Health and Welfare was established in Japan in January 1938. Soon after, the Government-General of Korea also began discussions on establishing a Health and Welfare Bureau. However, the establishment of the Health and Welfare Bureau faced various obstacles, including budgetary constraints and administrative simplification, which persisted until November 1941 when it was finally established in the Government-General of Korea. The Government-General of Korea established the Health and Welfare Bureau amidst the mobilization of Korean labor and the tense war situation at the time. The outbreak of the Asia-Pacific War immediately after the establishment of the Health and Welfare Bureau made the Bureau closely intertwined with its main operations. To mobilize human resources, several laws and regulations were enacted, including the physical fitness test for Korean youths, which was one of the Bureau's initial projects. However, on November 1, 1942, the Health and Welfare Bureau was abolished, and its divisions were split into the Police Bureau and the Administration Bureau. The disappearance of the Health and Welfare Bureau as labor mobilization was being carried out in earnest indicates that the Bureau was not particularly effective in mobilizing labor and could not afford to wait for the new Health and Welfare Bureau to take root. Additionally, the fact that the Provincial Administration Department and the Police Department still had their duties divided among local government offices while the Governor-General and the Political Superintendent were replaced made the Health and Welfare Bureau untenable. 만주사변 발발 이후 일본에서는 1938년 1월 후생성이 설치되었다. 후생성이설치된 직후 조선총독부에서도 후생국 설치 논의가 본격화되었다. 그러나 조선총독부에 후생국이 설치되는 데에는 적지 않은 장애물이 존재하였다. 예산과 행정간소화는 후생국이 들어서는데 마지막까지 걸림돌로 작용하였고, 1941년 11월이 되어서야 총독부에 후생국이 들어설 수 있었다. 1941년 당시의 조선인 노무동원상황과 긴박한 전쟁 상황을 앞세워 조선총독부는 후생국을 신설할 수 있었다. 후생국 설치 직후 발발된 아시아태평양전쟁은 후생국의 주요 업무와 밀접한연관을 가지게 되었다. 후생국 하에서 처음으로 시도되었던 사업 중 하나인 조선인청년체력검사는 물론, 인적 자원을 동원하기 위한 여러 법령이 제정되었다. 그러나 행정간소화 및 내외지 행정일원화 방침에 따라 후생국은 결국 1년도 채우지 못하고 폐지되었다. 1942년 11월 1일, 후생국은 폐지되었고, 후생국 소속각 과는 경무국과 사정국으로 분리되었다. 노무동원을 앞세워 후생국이 설치되었으나 노무동원이 본격화되면서 후생국이 사라진 것은 결국 후생국이 노무동원에 그다지 효율적이지 못했던 점과 함께 신생 후생국이 자리를 잡기까지 기다릴여유가 없었던 긴박한 상황을 짐작하게 한다. 또한 총독과 정무총감이 교체된가운데, 지방청에는 여전히 도 내무부와 경무부로 업무가 나뉘어 있었던 점 역시 후생국이 버틸 수 없게 만들었다.

1919ㆍ20년 식민지 조선의 콜레라 방역활동

백선례(Baek. Seon-Lye) 한국사학회 2011 史學硏究 Vol.- No.101

This study focuses on how preventive measures against cholera epidemic by the authorities was conducted and examines how Koreans reacted to them. My aim is to expose various features found between the colonizer and the colonized. Cholera, which had spread to Chos?n, infected 16,915 people (the deads 11,533) in 1919, 24,229 people (the deads 13,568) in 1920. When cholera broke out near the Chos?n, the authorities started all sort of quarantine. After cholera was brought into the Chos?n, the authorities made the greater efforts to search for cases of infectious disease. And Preventive injections against cholera were enforced in all parts of Chos?n. People were imposed of constraints by the quarantine. People was not able to move freely in and out of country. Several limits and controls were followed in the place where cases were found, and it infiltrated deep into there every day life. The majority of Koreans had fully depended on existing norms and old customs about infectious disease. It made Koreans to conflict frequently with the authorities. As a result, the policemen’s attitude was increasingly heavy-handed, and Koreans resisted it. Most of Koreans were reluctant to be hospitalized in the isolation hospitals because of the poor medical treatment, and tried to build their own isolation hospitals. And the local notables and youths organized prevention of epidemic associations. They were welcomed by local people and met with better results more than the authorities. Cholera was a terror and a common enemy to both Korean and Japanese. Therefore, everyone who lived in Chos?n had the same purpose, the eradication of cholera. The authorities suffered frequent conflicts with Koreans, although they started all sort of preventive measures against cholera. On the one hand Koreans struggled against the prevention of epidemics by the authorities, they tried to organize their own associations, and establish the private isolation hospitals, on the other hand. Preventive measures against cholera by the authorities and Korean’s reactions in 1919 and 1920 showed that the authorities and people affected each other. This point exposed the other side of colonial rule that was difficult to explain through one-sided rule by the colonizer and resistance or adaptation by the colonized.

버터차에서 피어난 생태환경사적 상상력

백선례(서평자) 동북아역사재단 2017 東北亞歷史論叢 Vol.- No.56

식민지 시기 장티푸스예방접종에 관한 의학적 논의의 전개

백선례 ( Baek Seon-lye ) 연세대학교 의학사연구소 2020 연세의사학 Vol.23 No.2

This article examines how professional discussions on the typhoid vaccine, the latest medical technology during the Japanese Colonial Period, evolved in colonial Korea (Joseon), focusing on articles published in Japanese and Joseon medical journals at the time. I attempt to describe vaccination not as “complete knowledge,” but as knowledge that was being constructed, as well as compare the knowledge construction process between the Japanese Empire and Joseon. In Imperial Japan, there were various studies on typhoid vaccination. Generally, most of them agreed on the vaccine’s effectiveness, but other opinions also appeared. Certain studies mentioned that it was difficult to consider the reduction of typhoid incidences in the Japanese Army and Navy an effect of the vaccine. Moreover, some suggested that more attention should be paid to oral immunity, as vaccination was difficult to popularize, and incomplete vaccination was no different than not getting vaccinated at all. In addition, Japanese researchers conducted studies with variabilities in vaccination methods and amounts that assessed post-vaccination morbidity and mortality to improve the vaccine’s effectiveness. Contrarily, Joseon’s medical journals primarily communicated observational statistics from clinical studies that mainly involved Japanese participants, focused on post-vaccination reactogenicity, and conveyed potential opportunities for oral immunity that had less reactogenicity. While the Japanese and Joseon medical journals were similar in that they both acknowledged the typhoid vaccine’s effectiveness and how to improve it, their directions were quite different. In Japan, as vaccinations were implemented on a large scale and statistical data regularly accumulated, the studies mainly strove to reduce the number of deaths after vaccination. Meanwhile, the Joseon medical journals included studies on lowering post-vaccination reactogenicity in an attempt to increase the number of vaccinations, as resistance to vaccinations remained strong among Koreans. In summary, the contents of the Japanese and Joseon discussions regarding typhoid vaccination were different and limited based on their location, even though these studies were conducted in the same time period. Such differences demonstrate the impact of the colonial situation, which was evident even in medical journals limited to a small number of readers and in a field of knowledge that was distant from the public. Even so, both Japanese and Joseon medical journals shared similar relative and hierarchical methods in hygiene ideology. In addition, this study defends the view that although preventive medicine, such as vaccination, is a field closely related to policy, it cannot exist as a “field of objective knowledge” independent from social and political contexts.

식민지 조선의 전염병예방령 개정과 ‘보균자’ 문제

백선례(Baek, Seon-Lye) 의료역사연구회 2021 의료사회사연구 Vol.7 No.1

1910년 병합 이후 조선총독부는 식민지 조선 통치의 기반이 되는 다양한 법령들을 차례로 공포하였으며, 위생행정과 관련된 법령들 역시 1910년대에 차례대로 제정되었다. 1915년 6월 제령 제2호로 전염병예방령이 제정되었고, 이로써 조선총독부 통치 초기의 위생 관련 법령이 정비되었다. 1915년 전염병예방령 제정이 지니는 의미와 그 제정과정, 그리고 그 성격에 대해서는 상당한 분석이 이루어졌지만, 이후 1920년대 전염병예방령이 개정된 것에 주목한 연구는 찾아보기 힘들다. 이 글에서는 1920년대 조선의 전염병예방령 개정에 주목하여 그 의미와 시행과정을 살펴보고자 한다. 이 전염병예방령 개정이 의미 있는 것 중의 하나는 ‘보균자’라는 의학지식이 법령이 반영되어 보균자 단속을 강조했다는 점에서이다. 20세기 초 새롭게 알려진 건강보균자에 대한 지식과 함께 보균자가 전염병 방역의 중요한 존재로 떠오르면서 보균자 취급 문제가 법령에 반영되었던 것이다. 조선에서는 1924년 6월 전염병예방령 개정이 관보를 통해 고시되었으나 실제 시행기일은 1928년 6월 1일로 시행까지 4년여의 시간이 소요되었다. 4년의 기간에 걸쳐 개정된 전염병예방령 및 시행규칙에서 가장 중요하게 강조되었던 부분은 역시 ‘보균자’ 단속의 강화였다. 이렇게 법령으로 보균자 취급이 강화된 만큼 언론에서 그려내는 보균자 묘사 또한 강화되었다. 언론을 통해 일반 대중들에게 보균자의 위험성을 강조하는 것은 보균자 검사를 위한 시설 및 인력이 부족한 상황에서 개인의 자발적 검사에 기댈 수밖에 없었던 식민지 조선의 상황이 반영된 것이기도 하였다. The typhoid outbreak that occurred in New York in the early 1900s and the case of Typhoid Mary, who was identified as the cause of the outbreak and sent a wave of the infection throughout the United States, established the existence of disease carriers. In addition, this also highlighted the importance of the identification of carriers in infectious disease prevention. In order to apply this new finding to quarantine strategies for infectious disease control, regulations had to be put in place. Accordingly, in the 1910s, a category of ‘carrier(s)’ was added to the revised Infectious Disease Prevention Order in Taiwan and Korea. In the Japanese Empire, a 1922 revision of the Infectious Disease Control and Prevention Act considered carriers as infected patients, recommending the same set of rules for both carriers and patients. After the revision of the Act in Japan, revisions to the Infectious Disease Prevention Order in Taiwan and Korea followed. In December 1925, the Infectious Disease Prevention Order was abolished in Taiwan, to follow the Infectious Disease Control and Prevention Act of Japan. Although a revision of the Infectious Disease Prevention Order was announced through the official gazette in June 1924 in Korea, the revision did not actually take place until 4 years later, on June 1, 1928. The most emphasized topic within the 4-year revision of the Infectious Disease Prevention Order and the Enforcement Decree of the Infectious Disease Prevention Order also pertained to carriers. In fact, until the 1910s, Koreans were viewed as potential carriers. However, overtime, greater importance was placed on the role of carriers in infectious disease prevention, which thus emerged as an urgent issue. The existence of carriers in Colonial Korea was identified during the cholera outbreak in 1920, following an incident involving the accommodation of carriers in a hospital (Sunhwawon). The incident led to attempts to educate the public through newspaper and magazine articles on the existence of carriers and the need to quarantine. During the revision of the Infectious Disease Prevention Order, awareness regarding disease carriers was enforced due to a typhoid fever outbreak in Gyeonseong in January and February, 1928. Furthermore, attempts to increase the understanding about carriers were continued in the press, albeit in such a way that labeled carriers as the source of infectious disease and emphasized their risk to others. As a result, expressions used to describe carriers were becoming increasingly unsavory, such as the “troops of infectious diseases” and “spies”. Medical information regarding carriers was included in the newly revised Infectious Disease Prevention Order and disseminated through newspaper and magazine articles with the purpose of promoting understanding with the aim of creating awareness about the need to investigate and quarantine carriers. Nevertheless, carriers continued to be framed as the major source of infectious diseases as a means to improve the public’s understanding of their role in disease transmission.