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박찬기(Park Chan Ki) 한국중동학회 2018 韓國 中東 學會 論叢 Vol.39 No.2
The main purpose of this article is to analyze the relationship among the IS, Syria, and Iraq. It is true that the withdrawal of U.S. troops from Iraq in 2011 gave the IS an opportunity to regroup, and the Syrian Civil War provided the IS another chance to expand its power and create an Islamic State. This paper, however, posits that the main reason for the rise of the Islamic State is the Iraqi Shia government s failure to include Sunni people in the nation-building process after the withdrawal of U.S. military forces. Additionally, the Syrian government’s policies toward Islamic radical groups before and after the start of the civil war also contributed to the rise of the IS. Most non-governmental armed groups have risen in countries where the central government has either collapsed or become lethargic. In the case of the IS, on the contrary, the failure of Syrian and Iraqi governments’ policies have resulted in the growth of the radical group. This paper demonstrates that the policies of the Syrian Bashar government after the U.S. invasion of Iraq in 2003, which promoted Jihadist groups, have had a major effect on the rise of the IS. This in turn led to Syria becoming engulfed in combat with the radical group. It also found that the failure of the second Nuri al-Maliki government’ policies have had a major impact on the establishment of the IS. The paper also shows that the relationship between the IS and the al-Nusra Front has fluctuated, depending on the situation, despite being offshoots of the same organization, al-Qaeda.
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박찬기(Chan-Ki Park) 동아시아국제정치학회 2014 국제정치연구 Vol.17 No.2
This paper aims to analyze the causes, processes, and results of the Arab Spring in Tunisia and Egypt by applying the Method of Agreement. In previous studies, researchers argued that the primary cause of the Arab Spring was a yearning for democracy due to prolonged dictatorship, corruption, lack of regard for human dignity, and high rate of unemployment. This paper instead proposes that the main reason for the Arab Spring in the two countries is relative deprivation due to a neoliberal economic policy. It also postulates that the main reason for the rapid collapse of existing governments in these two nations is the military’s abandonment of the incumbent president due to alienation by the presidents" policies. After these governments disintegrated, Islamic parties rose to power because no other organizations were able to fill the political vacuum that remained after the abrupt breakdown of the existing political system. Additionally, their unpopular rigid Islamic policies also played a role in the collapse of the Islamic governments in the two countries. In conclusion, this paper argues that the future of political development in each country is dependent on the relationship among the military, secularists, and Islamists, with the level of inclusiveness of these Islamic parties playing an important role.
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박찬기(Park, Chan-Ki) 동북아시아문화학회 2018 동북아시아문화학회 국제학술대회 발표자료집 Vol.2018 No.10
When the Chosun Diplomatic Delegation (Chosun Tongsinsa) stayed in Osaka on September 8th, Mr. Mizutar and his son, coming from Kumamoto, visited the delegation. The visitors exchanged the gifts of poems and conversations in literary Chinese with Yu-han Sin, an official literateur, and a group of document clerks for the three envoys, including Baek Gang, Mong-rang Sung, Eun-doo Jang. These collection of written conversations and poems were later scribed down by Mizutari Yasunao into a book titled Hang Hae Hyun Soo Rok. A closer look at 47 Chinese poems in the book, which were composed and read aloud during the visit, reveals frequent references and allusions to Chinese classic scholars. Notably mentioned among these poems are No Yeon, Wee Mann, who travelled thousands of miles to meet Lee Baek, So Sik, and So Sun, Cheon Sa, Yook Son, Sa Young Woon, Woo Owang, Twe Zi Han Yoo, Owang Bal, and others. What is the most fascinating among these is the reference and allusion to the young Wang Bal, because it provides a rare opportunity of glimpsing into how both Japanese and Cho-sun young scholars perceived China and its culture.
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박찬기 ( Chan Ki Park ) 국방대학교 안보문제연구소 2010 국방연구 Vol.53 No.2
본 논문은 오바마 행정부의 대 중동 및 헤즈볼라정책을 분석하고 그 전망을 예측해보는 것이다. 오바마는 외교정책에서 제2차 세계대전이후 미국 외교정책의 근간이었던, 군사적-경제적 우위 점령, 범세계적 정치적-군사적 연대 조성 및 무역-금융 개방정책 주도 등의 전통적인 외교노선을 지양하고 성장하는 국가들의 입장을 이해하고 수용하기 위하여 새로운 외교정책을 입안하였다. 즉, 타 국가와의 관계에서 미국 영향력의 감소를 인정하고 이러한 영향력의 감소를 안정적으로 관리(managed decline)하여 간다는 취지이다. 이러한 외교정책기조는 과거와 같은 영합게임(zero-sum)이 아니라 연성외교를 통해 쌍방이 윈윈(win-win)할 수 있는 다자협력체제를 구축하는 것이다. 그러나 이러한 야심찬 시작과 비교해 본다면 현재까지의 대 중동정책에는 아직까지 획기적인 변화나 결실이 없다. 중동의 가장 큰 문제인 이스라엘-팔레스타인 분쟁에 있어서 2개 국가 원안을 고수하고 있지만 현재까지 큰 진척이 없으며 이란의 핵문제 또한 부시 행정부와 같이 제자리걸음을 하다가 결국은 또 다시 유엔 제재라는 결정을 내렸다. 또한 이라크에서 미군을 철수하는 대신 아프간에 군대를 증파하였지만 그에도 불구하고 탈레반의 영향력과 점령지역은 증가하고만 있다. 또한 오바마 행정부는 대 헤즈볼라정책에 있어서도 큰 변화가 없다. 부시 행정부와 같이 오바마 행정부도 현재까지 헤즈볼라를 국제테러단체로 지명하고 있으며 어떠한 대화의 채널도 가지고 있지 않다. 이러한 상황에서 헤즈볼라, 시리아 및 이란은 3자 회담으로 서로 간의 단합을 과시하며 이스라엘과의 무력충돌 시에는 연합전선을 구사한다는 전략을 발표하였다. 이러한 변화의 부족은 오바마 행정부가 초기에 너무 많은 에너지를 국내의 건강보험 개혁에 소비한 원인도 있지만 더 근본적인 원인은 오바마 행정부가 구사하는 연성외교정책의 한계를 보여주는 것이다. 연성외교는 강력한 군사력과 경제력을 동원하여 피아(彼我)를 구분 짓는 전임 부시 행정부의 강성외교와는 상반된다. 그러나 연성외교정책의 결실을 보기위해서는 많은 시간이 요구되며, 노련한 외교술이 필요하다. 그러므로 그가 임기 중 대 중동정책에서 획기적인 결실을 가지고 오기 위해서는 구성주의적인 접근법을 동원한 스마트파워의 운용이 질실히 요구된다. The main purpose of this paper is to analyze the Obama Administration`s foreign policies on the Middle East and Hezbollah. The traditional U.S. foreign policy guideline since WWII has emphasized the superiority of military and economic power, construction of a worldwide political-military network, trade, and financial liberalization. Obama`s foreign policies, however, differ from these traditional guidelines. Instead, Obama argues that the U.S. should recognize its decline of influence in world affairs and thereby pursue a managed decline. This outlook implies that Obama strives to establish multilateral relations with other countries and applies soft-power foreign policies as a win-win game. In spite of his ambitious foreign policy initiative, there has not been much progress made in the Middle East and Hezbollah. Concerning the conflict between Israel and Palestine, the Obama administration adheres to the original two-state solution but has not made further progress in this area. Additionally, the issue of Iranian uranium enriching has not been resolved, and the Taliban`s influence and territorial control in Afghanistan have increased despite the increased number of U.S. troops in the region. The Obama administration continues to list Hezbollah as a foreign terrorist organization and does not maintain any communications with the group. In the meantime, Iran, Syria, and Hezbollah have formed a tripartite alliance to combat Israeli aggression. How can we explain Obama`s slow progress in foreign policy in the Middle East? Although we can argue that Obama was more focused on domestic issues such as health care reform during his early period of presidency, the main reason for his slow progress is the limitation of his soft-power foreign policies. Soft-power foreign policies differ from hard-power policies, which were well-employed by the Bush administration. Soft-power foreign policy is time-consuming and requires diplomatic skills. To obtain better results in his Middle Eastern and Hezbollah policies in the future, Obama should apply a mixture of soft-power and hard-power diplomacy based on a constructivist approach.
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이슬람국가(IS) 현상과 새로운 양상의 국제안보 위협에 관한 연구
박찬기(Park Chan Ki) 한국중동학회 2018 韓國 中東 學會 論叢 Vol.38 No.3
The main purpose of this article is to analyze the foundation of the Islamic State (IS) and its growth after the withdrawal of American troops from Iraq in 2011 and from the Syrian civil war. The article also aims to compare the anti-IS war with the characteristics of the 4th generation war. This study posits that the main reason for the rise of the Islamic State is the Iraqi Shia government s failure to include Sunni people in the nation-building process after the withdrawal of U.S. military forces. The Syrian civil war, which started in 2011, was the main catalyst for the military buildup of the IS both in Syrian and Iraqi territories. Additionally, the failure of major world powers, including the U.S., Russia, and China, to peacefully resolve the Syrian civil war was the main cause for the expansion of IS activities in Syria and Iraq. This paper also found that the strategies and tactics of the IS against the anti-IS coalition group were very similar to the characteristics of the 4th generation war. The 4th generation war, which represents war between the states and non-state actors, is a new phenomenon in the era of globalization. In the 4th generation war, the state is a weaker, not stronger, party. In the 21st century, non-state organizations, such as IS, Al-Qaeda, Hezbollah, and Boko Haram, have become major threats to world peace. The main reason for the proliferation of non-state militant groups is the failure or collapse of the state. As a result, major world powers and international organizations, including the U.S., Russia, China, and the UN, must help weaker states rebuild their abilities in order to neutralize these violent non-state organizations. This will ultimately help achieve world security.
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