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      • A Spatial Process of Neo-liberalization in the Asian Developmental States: Spatially Selective Liberalization in South Korea and Malaysia

        박배균(Bae Gyoon Park) 한국공간환경학회 2006 한국공간환경학회 학술대회 논문집 Vol.2006 No.3

        On the basis of the view emphasizing the contextual embeddedness of neoliberalization process, this paper examines how the neoliberal restructuring processes have actually taken place within the national contexts defined by the path-dependent properties of Asian developmental states. In particular, with empirical focus on the special economic zones in South Korea and the Multi-media Super Corridor in Malaysia, it explores how the political contestations between inherited institutional and political landscapes of the developmental state and emergent neo-liberal restructuring projects can be spatially mediated through spatially selective liberalization . Based on these case studies, this paper suggests general tendencies in the Asian developmental states with respect to the spatialprocess of neo-liberalization as follows: 1) the Asian developmental states have commonly experienced various kinds of tensions between the inherited practices and ideologies of the state-led developmentalism and the neo-liberal reform projects, which have been driven by the national ruling elites under various pressures from both internal and external forces; 2) given such political contestations, the ruling elites in the Asian developmental states have tended to deploy the spatially selective liberalization strategy, in which the application of more liberalized regulatory rules is territorially delimited within certain selected areas, as a way of avoiding massive social resistance against neoliberal restructuring projects and 3) the actual contents of the new neo-liberal spatial projects are influenced by the dialectical interplays between the spatially selective liberalization, whichis likely to increase regional disparities, and the existing spatial strategy of the Asian developmental states, which has tended to focus on achieving a more balanced regional economy.

      • KCI등재

        스마트 도시론의 급진적 재구성 : 르페브르의 ‘도시혁명’론을 바탕으로

        박배균(Park, Bae-Gyoon) 한국공간환경학회 2020 공간과 사회 Vol.30 No.2

        본 논문은 주류 스마트도시 담론을 비판적으로 검토하고, 르페브르의 ‘도시혁명’과 ‘도시사회’ 개념을 바탕으로 스마트도시론을 급진적으로 재구성하는 것을 목적으로 한다. 먼저 한국의 스마트도시론을 그에 내재된 국가중심적 발전주의, 산업주의, 기술결정론에 초점을 두어 비판한다. 이어서, 르페브르의 도시혁명과 도시사회 개념을 소개하고, 그를 바탕으로 스마트도시 현상을 비판적으로 분석한다. 특히, 스마트 도시에 대한 ‘방법론적 국가주의’와 ‘방법론적 도시주의’적 인식론을 비판하면서, 만남과 마주침을 통한 도시적 과정에 대한 이해를 바탕으로 스마트 도시를 접근할 것을 제안한다. 또한, 도시적 만남과 마주침의 과정이 스마트 기술과 연결되었을 때 나타날 수 있는 긍정적·부정적 영향에 대해 논하고, 보다 해방적인 도시사회의 형성을 위해서는 자유로운 만남과 마주침을 가로막는 장애물에 대해 저항하는 급진적인 마주침의 정치가 필요함을 강조한다. This paper aims at providing a critical re-reading of smart city discourses on the basis of the Lefebvrian concepts of urban revolution and urban society. First, it criticizes the Korean smart city discourses for their state-centered developmentalism, industrialism, and techno-determinism. Second, it provides a critical analysis on the smart city phenomena on the basis of the Lefebvrian concepts of urban revolution and urban society. In particular, it criticizes the ‘methodological nationalism’ and ‘methodological cityism’ inherent in the Korean smart city discourses, and suggests to see the smart city pheonomena through the urban lens, not through the ‘city’ perspective. Also, it discusses the ways in which the urban processes of assembling and encountering can be positively and negatively associated with smart technologies. Finally, it emphasizes that the construction of emancipatory urban society requires radical politics of encounter that resists against all kinds of forces separating between people, things and spaces in urban society.

      • KCI등재후보

        한국에서 토건국가 출현의 배경

        박배균(Park, Bae-Gyoon) 한국공간환경학회 2009 공간과 사회 Vol.31 No.-

        그동안 한국 국가의 토건지향성과 개발주의적 성향에 대한 여러 비판이 제기되어왔다. 하지만, 한국 국가의 정책이 왜 그러한 선택성을 보였는지에 대한 충분한 설명이 제시되지는 않았다. 이러한 문제의식을 바탕으로, 이 논문은 한국에서 토건지향적인 국가가 등장하게 된 배경을 전략관계적 국가론을 바탕으로 설명하는 것을 목적으로 한다. 이 논문에서 필자는 지난 1960년대 이후 현재까지 우리나라 국가의 공간정책과 그를 둘러싼 복잡한 정치-경제적 과정의 결과로, 지역적 스케일에서 영역화된 이해의 정치적 동원화가 매우 활성화되었고, 그 때문에 국가의 토건지향성과 개발주의적 성향이 강화되었음을 주장한다. 더 구체적으로, ① 정당 정치에서의 중심적 균열구조가 지역에 기반을 두고 형성됨에 따라, 정당과 정치인들이 지역 차원의 개발주의 정치에 쉽게 순응하여, 국가의 의사결정에 영향을 주게 되고, ② 계급정치와 풀뿌리 민주주의의 미성숙으로 말미암아, 지역 차원에서의 장소적 이해가 강하게 영역화되는 경향을 보여주며, ③ 1970년대부터 지속된 지역주의 정치의 영향으로 지역의 정치-경제적 현실을 해석하는 담론의 프레임이 ‘중앙-지방’ 관계를 중심으로 매우 정치화되어 있다는 조건들이 한국 국가의 토건지향성 강화에 매우 큰 영향을 끼쳤음을 강조한다. 이러한 분석을 바탕으로, 이 논문은 한국 국가의 신개발주의적 토건지향성의 문제를 정권과 관료들의 비합리성, 무능, 비도덕성에 국한하지 않고, 그러한 성향을 가지게 한 국가 안에서, 그리고 국가를 통해서 작동하는 사회세력들 간의 더욱 복잡한 정치-사회-경제적 경합과 상호 작용의 메커니즘을 이해할 필요가 있음을 주장한다. The construction-oriented, developmentalist nature of the Korean state has been increasingly criticized by the critical social scientists in Korea, but it has not been sufficiently explained why the Korean state has shown such a developmentalist selectivity. This paper aims to examine the socio-political backgrounds for the rise of the construction-oriented, developmentalist state in Korea on the basis of the strategic-relational approach to the state. In particular, it argues that the construction-oriented, developmentalist nature of the Korean state has been strongly influenced by the highly politicized territorial interests mobilized at the local and regional scales, which has been conditioned by complex interactions among the spatial selectivity of the Korean state, uneven regional development and territorialized party politics. More specifically, this paper suggests as follows: 1) the territorialized party politics, in which the partisan politics has been primarily structured on the basis of regional cleavages, has made the parties and politicians more sensitive to the politics of local/regional development, which has put great impacts on the state’s decision-making; 2) the weak development of the class politics (at the national scale) and the grass-root politics (at the local and regional scales) has facilitated the territorialization of the place-based interests and identities; 3) the ways in which Koreans interpret the politico-economic realities of regions and localities has been constructed on the basis of the discursive frame of the highly politicized ‘center-local’ relations, which has led to the intensified inter-local/inter-regional completion for the central government’s spending for local/regional development projects. In conclusion, this paper argues that the construction-oriented, developmentalist nature of the Korean state should not be attributed solely to the irrationality, incapability and immorality of Korean bureaucrats and politicians, but it needs to be explained on the basis of more complicated social, political and economic interactions and contestations among forces acting in and through the state.

      • KCI등재

        영토교육 비판과 동아시아 평화를 지향하는 대안적 지리교육의 방향성 모색

        박배균(Park, Bae-Gyoon) 한국공간환경학회 2013 공간과 사회 Vol.23 No.2

        이 글에서 필자는 최근 영토분쟁이 고조되는 상황에서 부각되고 있는 영토교육을 비판적으로 고찰하면서, 영토분쟁의 상황을 극복하고 동아시아의 평화를 지향하는 교육을 위해서는 영토교육을 강화하기보다는 지리교육의 내용을 전면적으로 재구성하는 것이 더 효과적임을 주장한다. 특히 기존의 영토교육론은 민족/국가주의적 성향, 유기체적 국토개념과 본질주의적 장소관에 바탕을 두고 있기 때문에, 내부자적 장소성을 바탕으로 한 배재와 포섭의 속성과 영토적 배타성을 강화하여 영토문제를 둘러싼 국가 간 긴장을 해결하기보다는 오히려 악화시킬 가능성이 더 크다고 문제제기 했다. 최근 이러한 민족/국가주의적 영토교육론을 비판하면서 그에 대한 대안으로 시민적 애국주의, 비판문식성 교육, 초국가적 시민양성 등에 초점을 두는 영토교육이 필요함을 주장하는 논의들이 제기되기도 하지만, 필자는 이러한 논의들 역시 영토교육의 틀 속에 갇혀 있는 한 민족/국가주의와 영토적 배타성의 논리에서 자유롭기 힘들다고 지적하면서, 영토교육의 틀을 완전히 벗어날 필요가 있다고 주장한다. 이런 문제의식을 바탕으로 필자는 동아시아의 평화와 공존에 진정으로 도움을 주는 교육을 위해서는 영토교육을 넘어서 지리교육의 재구성이 필요하다고 주장한다. 이를 위한 구체적인 방안으로 필자는 1) 관계론적 장소개념을 지리교육이 보다 적극적으로 수용할 필요가 있고, 2) 국가의 틀을 넘어 동아시아적 시각에서 지리를 이해할 수 있도록 ‘동아시아 지리’에 대한 연구와 교육을 강화할 필요가 있다고 주장한다. This paper, with a critical engagement with recently emerging discourses on territory education emphasizing the need to educate the issues of territorial identities and sovereignty to students, urges that a total re-formulation of geography education ― instead of expanding territory education ― is needed in order to make a meaningful contribution to the efforts to resolve the current territorial conflicts, and develop more peaceful relations, among neighboring countries in East Asia. In particular, it points out that the existing territory education perspective ― due to its nationalist orientation and its theoretical reliance on the organic conception of territory and the essentialist notion of place ― is more likely to aggravate the territorial conflicts in East Asia. With growing concerns on the nationalist territory education, there have been recent efforts to develop alternative perspectives on territory education by emphasizing the notion of civic nationalism, education for critical literacy, and development of transnational citizenship. This paper, however, highlights that these efforts are still limited in overcoming the logics of territorial exclusiveness and thus not fully useful in developing a peaceful East Asia, as long as they are made under the name of territory education, and suggests to get rid of the frame of territory education. With this problem orientation, I argue that we need to make an effort to completely re-formulate the curriculum of geography education ― instead of wasting our time and energy for territorial education ― if we want to develop an educational curriculum that can make a genuine contribution to the East Asian peace. More specifically, I suggest that 1) the developers of geography education curriculum needs to make more aggressive efforts to incorporate the relational conception of place into the contents of geography education, and 2) research and education on ‘East Asian Geography’ need to be much more strengthened in order to overcome the ‘territorial trap’ and ‘methodological nationalism’ inherent in the existing curriculum of geography education, which has been organized on the basis of two pillars of ‘Korean Geography’ and ‘World Geography’.

      • KCI등재
      • KCI등재

        장소마케팅과 장소의 영역화: 본질주의적 장소관에 대한 비판을 중심으로

        박배균 ( Bae Gyoon Park ) 한국경제지리학회 2010 한국경제지리학회지 Vol.13 No.3

        This paper aims to critically discuss the place-marketing strategy that has been widely seen as an alternative way of regional development for the last decade in South Korea. In particular, it argues that the place-marketing strategy is highly likely to intensify the inter-local or inter-urban completion and to result in the territorialization of places because it is based on the essentialist notion of place that has been suggested by the humanistic geographers. In order to logically support my argument, I will critically review the essentialist notion of place, and introduce an alternative notion of place, in which the place is seen as socially constructed through complicated power relations and social, political and cultural processes. Also, I will logically demonstrate that the place-marketing can be seen as a strategy for territorializing places by discussing how territory is socially and politically constructed as a particular form of place.

      • KCI등재

        민주화 이후의 개혁 정책 의제 ; 한국 지역균형정책에 대한 국가공간론적 해석

        박배균 ( Bae Gyoon Park ) 민주화운동기념사업회 2012 기억과 전망 Vol.0 No.27

        This paper attempts to conceive the policies for balanced regional development in South Korea, not in terms of the techno-economic-bureaucratic rationality, but as an essential element of politico-economic processes surrounding the Korean state. In particular, it examines the ways in which the policies for, and discourses of, balanced regional development have been implemented and utilized as an important state project, and at the same time, have been deployed by various social forces as means for political mobilization. The key arguments are as follows. The policies for balanced regional development were implemented as a hegemonic project through which to cope with the political crisis associated with the rise of regionalist politics, which stemmed from the contradictions inherent in the spatial projects and spatial strategies of the Korean developmental state in the 1960s and the 1970s. As the regionalist politics and region-based party politics became more activated with the intensified democratization movement in the 1980s, the issues of balanced regional development gained much more significant political meanings. As a result, the political significance of the “balanced regional development” discourses became more expanded. While territorial political mobilizations at the local scale (e.g. regional politics) have contributed to the expansion and deepening of the “balanced regional development” discourses, they have also played a role in the processes through which the discourses of “balanced regional development” have been hijacked by the construction-oriented developmentalist interests and deployed as a justifying means for various local-scale developmental projects. This paper concludes with several practice suggestions for the improvement of balanced regional development.

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