러시아의 대외 군사·안보정책 결정과정 : 대한반도 정책에 미치는 영향 Its Effects on Policy toward Korea

김병기 한국전략문제연구소 1998 전략연구 Vol.5 No.3

When Boris Yeltsin was elected President of the Russian Federation in 1990. the former Soviet republic lacked those crucial political institutions necessary for consolidating his power and authority. These organs-which existed in other republics. which thereby enhanced the political consolidation of former Communist Party members who came into power-constituted the republican Committee on State Security (or the KGB). the Ministry of International Affairs. and even Academy of Sciences and radio/television channels. Lacking the institutional bases for effective rule, Yeltsin on the other hand, inherited Soviet power ministries with whom he had to struggle to "Russianize" it. The Communist Party of the Russian Federation, and the Liberal Democratic Party which inhetrited the balk of the organizational and ideological remanants of the powerful Soviet Communist Party apparatus. moreover, generated major barriers towards institutionalization of Yeltsin's presidency. Such difficult situation, on the whole. helped generate the bloody suppression of the Parliament on October of 1993, the consolidation of the anti-center oriented Siberian Agreement of 1994, and even the Chechen crisis from the same year. Andrei Kozyrev followed a policy of full and complete Westernization in 1992, agreeing on all major issues which NATO and the United States positively thought. including the joining of the military coalition against Irag--a former ally of the Soviet Union. Such policy, however, brought not full economic, political and military integration with the West, but isolation and new ideological division along the shrunken border of the Russian Federation with the Baltic countries, and the CIS. Contrary to expectations, former members of the now defunct Warsaw Pact Organization began to join NATO, while even members of the former Soviet Union begin to seek membership. Kozyrev, all in all, ignored not only Russia's strategic interests vis-a-vis the West, but also, its immediate concerns in the Near Abroad where millions of ethnic Russians resided, who were facing daily economic, social and even political threats to their security. These problems were seriously politicized; the Communists and the Liberal Democrats along with the scattered Russian armed forces began to call for a turn towards "within" and the much ignored "Near Abroad." Between the years 1992 and the beginning of 1996, Kozyrev was forced to follow the lines of the domestic conservatives, thereby weakening the institution of the Presidency, and generating the popular image of a weak-willed administration. At the beginning of 1996 Yeltsin appointed Yevgeny Primakov--then the Director of Counter- Foreign Intelligence Agency--as Foreign Minister. A Middle Eastern expert by training and a long-time bureaucrat in the Propaganda Department of the Central Committee he began to reorient Russian foreign policy away from US/West Europe to the Near Abroad. In the national security concept developed in 1998, for example, the predominant emphasis is placed on domestic dimension, namely, stablized economic transition towards market economy, and parellel social conditions. In the field of external policy, Primakov proved instrumental in preempting a formation of second military coalition against Iraq--with the help of France and China. In fact, Primakov is reportedly supplying Iraq with nuclear technology for energy purposes. Primakov also actively opposed the expansion of NATO, pressuring the Baltic countries not to join the military bloc. Parenthetically, such show of pressure against the West meant that within the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) no outside forces can interfere: moreover by exporting missiles to Northern Cyprus, an area controlled by Greece. which has a confrontation with Southern Cyprus. an area controlled by Turkey. Primakov intends to weaken NATO internally. by accelarating tension among the two members. The contraction of the border in the Western frontier. and threat of NATO toward it has forced Russia to seek compensation in the Southern frontier. In the Caucasus. Moscow was successful in forcing Georgia to join the CIS by supporting the Abkhazian seperatists as was also with Azerbaijan whose enemies Armenia and its seperatists in contentious Nargono-Karaback it also supported. Moscow felt threatened by the ethnic-disturbances in the Caucasus and the geopolitical encroachements being made by Turkey. a strong ally of the United States. Primakov is reinforcing Russia's relations with Iran for three reasons: (1) to offset Turkey. China and the US' influence in the Middle East and Central Asia: (2) to deny US rapproachment with Tehran with whom Washington desires closer trade and political relations: and (3) to export, like towards irag. nuclear related technology for energy purposes. In Kosovo. moreover. Primakov has intervened on behalf of the Serbs against the Albanians. whose forces are supported by the Western diplomatic community. These policies have earned Primakov not only the support of the Communists and the Liberal Democrats who form the majority in the Duma, but also, have strengthened Yeltsin's. domestic position through essential conservatization of Russia's foreign policy. It is support for these feats that Yeltsin awarded the highest medal of public service to Primakov as well as personally visiting him at the Foreign Ministry this year. Primakov has also recently engineered the breakthrough in the reestablishment of talks with Tokyo for normalizing its relations. a moved aimed at weakening the US grip on Japan. Moscow knows and appreciates the markedly grown influence of China in both Koreas: it also worries the recent improvement of US-Sino relations. Only by improving its relations with Pyongyang can Moscow redress its imbalnce on the Korean peninsula; but given the five years of freeze in its relationship. Moscow had no means of approaching Pyongyang other than by way of kicking out the South Korean diplomat as a way of showing Pyongyang that it is ready to deal more equally with North Korea. Given the current freeze in North Korean-US. North Korean-Japanese and inter-Korean talks. Seoul must be ready to exercise more independent initiative in its foreign policy.

綜合討議

김병기,임병락,양한성,문기식,이은주,오종용 서원대학교 미래창조연구원 1989 서원대학교 미래창조연구원 학술대회지 Vol.1989 No.5

[신앙의 명가를 찾아서_평신도편] 김병기 · 병인박해 순교자 김보현(요한) 4대손, 고 김수환 추기경 친조카

김병기 미래사목연구소 2016 사목정보 Vol.9 No.2

CO₂ hydrogenation to hydrocarbons over MOF(ZIF-67)-derived catalysts

김병기,배종욱 한국공업화학회 2022 한국공업화학회 연구논문 초록집 Vol.2022 No.-

생명보험상호회사 (生命保險相互會社)의 생성발전과 경영행동에 관한 고찰

김병기 한국보험학회 1982 保險學會誌 Vol.21 No.-

N/A

주요국의 변액보험 (變額保險) 현황과 우리나라에서의 개발방향

김병기 한국보험학회 1981 保險學會誌 Vol.18 No.-

N/A

중증 난소 과자극증후군의 임상적 고찰

김병기,김석현,김정구,문신용,이진용,장윤석 대한산부인과학회 1990 대한산부인과학회 학술대회 Vol.66 No.-

객혈과 흉부질환

김병기 대한결핵 및 호흡기학회 1958 Tuberculosis and Respiratory Diseases Vol.6 No.-

[책 소개(8)] 《레닌의 종교론(Religion by Lenin)》

김병기 노동사회과학연구소 2020 정세와노동 Vol.- No.168

학생 설문을 통한 가상현실 치아우식 시뮬레이션의 평가

김병기,류지헌,김재환,김선미,최남기 대한소아치과학회 2020 大韓小兒齒科學會誌 Vol.47 No.3

The purpose of this study was to evaluate the applicability of virtual reality simulation after experience of dental caries diagnosis for dental students before exposing to clinical pediatric practice. A pediatric patient model of a five-year-old child with primary dentition was developed and a caries model that is amenable to VR(virtual reality) diagnosis was organized and set-up. The dental student’s were allowed to use the simulated model for fifteen minutes and their experiences were evaluated using a self-reported questionnaire to evaluate presence and usability of this application. Overall, virtual presence and appearance area of the simulation were highly scored. The result indicates that the VR model has no significant difference from the actual clinical caries regardless of grade of students, gender and VR experience. If the prototype is continuously advanced, its applicability in dental education will increase. 이 연구의 목적은 가상현실 시뮬레이션을 이용한 소아환자 치아우식 진단 경험에 대한 설문조사를 통하여, 임상 실습 전 단계의 치의학 전공 학생들을 대상으로 소아치과적 교육에서의 활용 가능성을 평가하는 것이다. 소아 환자 모델로 유치열기의 5세 여아를 개발하였고, 가상현실 속 진단을 위한 치아 우식 모델을 제작하였다. 치의학 전공 학생들은 15분에 걸친 치아 우식 진단 시뮬레이션을 경험한 뒤, 설문지를 통하여 프로그램 사용 경험을 통한 실재감 및 응용 가능성을 평가하였다. 그 결과, 가상실재감과 외양 평가에서 높은 점수를 얻었다. 또한, 가상현실을 통한 치아 우식 진단 시뮬레이션은 임상 실습 전, 후의학년, 성별, 가상현실 체험 경험의 유무에 따른 유의미한 차이가 없다는 설문 결과를 얻었다. 이 프로그램을 지속적으로 발전시킨다면, 치의학 교육 분야에 응용 가능성이 높아질 것이다.