南北交流ㆍ協力의 可能性과 限界

金英椿(Young Choon Kim) 한국정치학회 1993 한국정치학회보 Vol.26 No.2

남북한 교류협력은 크게 경제교류협력과 사회교류협력으로 나누어 볼 수 있는 바, 본 논문은 경제교류협력분야에 한정하여 그 可能性과 限界를 분석하려고 한다. 이하 본 연구는 첫째, 논의의 전제로서 남북관계 현황을 살펴보았다. 둘째, 북한경제의 實狀 및 이에 대한 북한 지도층의 認識을 검토하였다. 셋째, 교류협력에 대한 납북한의 立場을 분석하였다. 이러한 남ㆍ북한간 입장 차이로부터 교류ㆍ협력의 가능성과 한계를 도출할 수 있다고 판단된다. 또한 남북한관계의 國際的 側面도 고려되어야 할 것이다. 미국을 위시한 주변국들은 동북아질서의 위협 요인으로서 북한의 核開發문제에 심각한 우려를 나타내고 있다. 이러한 맥락에서 남북협상 과정 중 경제교류에 관한 남북한의 쟁점은 경제관계의 쟁점보다는 정치적 쟁점, 즉 북한이 정치ㆍ군사ㆍ경제문제의 일괄타결의 입장을 추구하고 있기 때문에 물자교류조차 적극적인 활성화가 이루어지지 않고 있다. 그러나 최근 북한경제의 실상을 고려할 때, 북한은 심각한 경제난과 국제적 고립을 탈피하기 위하여 統制된 開放과 실리위주의 現實路線을 선택할 가능성이 높다고 판단되며 그에 따라 남북교류협력도 활발해질 전망이다. 그러나 이러한 시각은 북한의 핵문제가 해결되리라는 전제조건하에서이다. 미국은 북한이 국제핵사찰을 성실히 준수하고 남북한 상호사찰과 검증을 이행할 때까지는 남한이 북한에 대한 경제원조나 협력을 유보할 것을 강하게 권고하고 있다. 한국은 和解, 不可侵, 交流ㆍ協力分野의 3개 부분을 均衡的으로 連繫시키면서 북한과의 관계를 發展시킨다는 계획을 갖고 있다고 보여진다. 그러나 이러한 계획은 북한이 國際核査察과 南北韓相互査察을 성실히 이행할 때 가능한 것이다. 남북간 경제교류ㆍ협력의 바람직한 가능성이 있는 발전단계를 구체적으로 살펴보면, 첫째, 제3국을 통한 중개무역이나 해외교포를 이용한 間接交易段階, 둘째, 당사자간의 直交易段階, 셋째, 합작투자 진출을 통한 양측의 경제협력 및 합작사업, 넷째, 지하자원 또는 관광자원 등의 공동개발을 통한 합작사업의 심화단계, 그리고 다섯째 단계인 자본 및 기술의 본격적인 합작단계로 나누어 볼 수 있다. 따라서 우리는 산업발전과정에서 얻은 개발경험과 기술을 최대한 활용하어 5개의 발전단계 사업을 주도하는 것이 바람직하며 북한이 선봉지구 경제특구 설치시 초기단계부터 적극 참여하여야 할 것이다. 한국은 중국이나 소련 등 주변국가들과 공동 Project의 추진을 통하여 북한의 호전성을 견제하면서 묶어두는 國際的 制度에 적극적인 주도 및 참여가 필요하다. 이는 통일한국의 위상을 바람직하게 생각하지 않는 주변국가들을 안심시키면서 통일을 달성할 지름길이 될 수 있기 때문이다.

日本의 對北韓 政策

金永椿 단국대학교 미소연구소 1994 미소연구 Vol.7 No.-

The liberal Democratic Party since its grand unity of conservative parties based on money politics in 1955 reigned Japanese politics for the past 38 years, but it lost its power in 1993 general election giving way for the New Party headed by Hatta faction a chance to seize power. On August 6, 1993, the Hosokawa cabinet was launched precariously by a coalition of eight parties. But there are opinions that with high support of the people and premium as the reigning party, the cabinet will not easily be replaced. Prime Minister Hosokawa proclaimed that the new administration will maintain the former foreign policies of the Liberal Democratic Party. To see what effects these may have on Northeast Asian region, this article analyzes the backdrop of the rise of Hosokawa and Hata cabinet and the foreign policy guidelines of the Liberal Democratic Party, and the content of diplomatic and security policies the new administration is implementing. Also, I would like to examine the motives, lurking in Japanese policies in its recent approach to the North Korea for improved relations through analyzing domestic and international factors. Domesitic political factors that facilitated launching of the new administration can be said to lie in the division of the Liberal Democratic Party(LDP) and success of the New Party in 1993 election. The LDP's division came from people's frustration over long monopoly of politics by one party, disappointment by political scandals and preference for the reform will of the neo-conservative group. In the process of restructuring of the world order following the end of the Cold War, Japan is pursuing an enhanced international role corresponding to its economic power. The U.S. influence in Northeast Asia is relatively decreasing. So it is with Russia and China, who are deeply involved in domestic problems. Japan is facing a very favorable opportunity to increase its partnership role with the United States. The bipolar Cold War structure since the Second World War is changing to a multipolar era. In accordance with this mainstream, Japanese society is also in the process of transforming from its former left-right ideological confrontation into a pluralist orientation. In the midst of this, neo-conservatism upon which the Hosokawa administration is based is becoming the leading political ideology of Japanese politics. To envisage the direction of future domestic and international policy of the Hosokawa and Hata administration, the following would be the most likely prospects. The administration will continue the LDP foreign policies of increased security roles in the region and on the international scene, defense against potential military threats from Russia, cooperation and as well as keeping a check on China, strategic utilization of economic cooperation, and security of the Korean Peninsula. Japan is also forecasted to implement positive measures to enhance its international role by further endeavors to secure as a permanent seat on the UN Security Council, as well as implementation of policies of compensation of its past by recognizing and apologizing for past war crimes. Prime Minister Hosokawa and Hata's blueprint for foreign policy can be seen as a readjustment of security cooperation between the U.S. and Japan, an increase in Japanese international role and security cooperation through multilateral forums. Domestically, Japan may suffer political confusion through the reshuffling of the political scene, but the main framework of policies toward the U.S. will not change under the non-LDP coalition. Economic issues unresolved between the U.S. and Japan for half century will evoke distrust toward the U.S. among the Japanese people. There is a voice that until confidence can be restored, readjustment of the South Korea-U.S.-Japan relationship will be unavoidable. In the adjustment, Japan is taking on the comprehensive project of sharing responsibility with the U.S., proliferating the Japanese economic model and preparing for the likely intensification of competition and conflicts in the Northeast Asian region. The U.S., taking into consideration its role as the balancer, is using the Japanese to maintain forward defense and will demand more defense-cost burden sharing. In the long-term prospect, Japanese political and security roles will gradually and continuously increase. Japan will be able to achieve pursues a permanent seat without veto power in the Security council within this century if it so pursues. Japan will activate multilateral talks in order to counter the mobility of the four major power relations, seeking increased influence in the region. As Japan is within the range of a possible North Korean airstrike, it will demand real confidence-building measures in multilateral security talks. Given its international role, Japan is likely to negotiate with the DPRK for normalization. The U.S., the Republic of Korea, Japan and the Russian Federation concur on the need to press North Korea to dispel the fears that it might be developing a nuclear weapons capability. Yet how each of these different countries presses North Korea naturally depends upon what kind of relationship the country has with North Korea. Given its special relationship with North Korea, China's position on this issue is somewhat more delicate. The Japanese position has been expressed in many ways, the essence is simple and unchanging: North Korea should not develop a nuclear weapons capability, should do whatever is necessary to dispel international suspicions and allay international concern as soon as possible, should promptly and unconditionally conclude and fully implement a Safeguards Agreement with the IAEA, and should implement the mutual inspections provided for in the Joint Declaration for Denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula. This is basically the same position as taken by the United States, the Republic of Korea, and the Russian Federation. North Korea alleged that Japan was taking this position at the behest of the United States and South Korea and argued that the issue had no place in the normalization talks. Japan places a high priority on international harmony and is it close and frequent contact with the United States and South Korea on this issue, but that does not mean that, as North Korea once charged, Japan is raising this issue at the behest of the United States and South Korea. Japan is raising and will continue to raise this issue with North Korea because it is so vitally important to Japan. When the North's nuclear issue is solved, diplomatic normalization between Japan and North Korea will shift from multi-party relations including South Korea and the U.S. to Japan and North Korea themselves. And when talks over the normalization issue begin, the Japanese influence on the North is expected to be considerable.

무우鍾子의 大小에 依한 Seeding Vigor의 差異에 關하여

金양椿 대구 효성가톨릭대학교 1969 연구논문집 Vol.5 No.1

In order to determine the difference of seedling vigor in heterotrophic phase of seed by different size of radish seeds, that is, large, medium and small, growth rate and emergence percent were measured using the rolled filter paper method and sand method, respectively. The results obtained were summarized as follows: 1) Emergence percent obtained from germination test using sand method was higher in larger seeds, though there was no statiastical significance among three classes of seed size. 2) The elongation of hypocotyl and root, in seven days after seeding, was not markedly effected by different size of seeds, but the larger seeds promoted the elongation of cotyledon in comparison with the smaller seeds. 3) Each fresh weight of cotyledon, hypocotyl and root and their total fresh weight, and each dry weight of hypocotyl and root increased in the larger seeds and when the days after seeding were passed away. And dry weight of cotyledon was also higher in larger seeds but it was decreased gradually when the days after seeding were passed away. 4) From the above results, it is concluded that the larger seeds make the higher emergence percent and growth rate in heterotrophic phase of seeds.

일본의 국제적 역할증대와 한반도

金永椿 釜山外國語大學 國際問題硏究所 1991 國際問題論叢 Vol.4 No.-

『三國史記』「新羅本紀」에 나타난 倭의 實體에 대하여

金東椿 충남대학교 사학회 1989 忠南史學 Vol.4 No.-

共同住宅團地內 中庭空間의 利用實態 및 設計改善에 관한 硏究

金南椿 단국대학교 1988 論文集 Vol.22 No.-

Actual behaviors in the conrtyards of apartment complex were studied to eastablish the design principles. Behavior mapping was used as a methodology. The results were summarized as follows: 1) Various activities took place in the courtyards. It is necessary to provide suitable spaces for children's play and recreation. 2) Parking area was the most frequently used place for various actities as well as parking. There is a need to improve paving meterials for both uses. 3) Green area was also important to children's play and excessive use should be avoided by providing free-play area. 4) Most of users were young children. Playground for children under 4 and free-open spaces for ballgame and bicycling should be supplied. 5) The specific spaces in the courtyards had tendency of not being used as intended.

Progesterone 多量 長期投與가 去勢家兎子宮 心臟 및 大動脈組織의 水分 및 電解質에 미치는 影響

金應椿,李壽鍾 우석대학교 의과대학 1968 우석의대잡지 Vol.5 No.2

Author has attempted to clarify the effects of sex hormones on electrolytes in the tissue of the uterus, heart and aorta of mature female rabbits weighing about 2㎏ in body weight. The levels of Cl, Na, K, Ca, Mg and water content in the tissue of uterus, target organ, heart and blood vessels, non-target organs of sex hormones, on the normal, castrated and progesterone administered rabbits were ditermined and compared in those mentioned organs. Progesterone was given 2 weeks after castration, 100 ㎎ daily for 2 weeks. Flamephotometry was utilized for the determination of Na and K levels, Schales and Schales method for Cl contents and Kovacs and Tazrnoky's method for Ca and Mg contents. The results obtained are summarized as follows: 1. Serum Cl level of female rabbits following castration showed a slight decrease and the long term administration of progesterone in lame doses produced some increase in Cl level to the normal level and a marked decrease in Ca level. 2. Castration of female rabbits produced a marked increase in Na, Cl, and Ca levels of the uterine tissue, but did not effect water, K and Mg levels in the same tissue. The long term administration of progesterone in large doses upon castrated rabbits produced a marked decrease in Cl and Ca levels and a slight changes in water, Na, K and Mg levels. 3. Castration of female rabbits resulted in a decrease in Ca, Mg levels of the heart tissues but produced a slight changes in water, Na, K and Cl levels, whereas the long term administration of progesterone in large doses on castrated rabbits produced a marked increase in Na and Ca levels and a prominent decrease in K and Cl levels, but did not affect water and Mg levels. 4. Castration produced no appreciable changes in water and electrolytes levels in the tissues of aorta, but long term administration of progesterone in large dose produced a marked increase in Na and Cl levels and decrease in Ca levels and a slight increase in water, K and Mg levels. 5. Water content in the heart tissues of normal female rabbits showed lower than that of uterine tissues, whereas the tissue of aorta contained water far less than that of the uterine tissue. In comparison of water contents of the castrated rabbits with the normal rabbits, the level were at the same levels, but that of the tissue of aorta showed lower level than that of the normal. A long term administration of progesterone in large dose produced a lower level of water Content in heart tissues and the lowest in the tissue of aorta than that in the uterine tissue. 6. As to Cl level of the normal female rabbits, the level of Cl within heart tissue showed a markedly lower than that of uterine tissue, whereas the level of the tissue of aorta showed markedly higher than that of the uterine tissue. Cl level in the castrated rabbit heart tissue showed a marked lower and that in the tissue of aorta showed a slight higher than that in the uterus. After a long term administration of progesterone in large doses the Cl level in heart tissue showed marked lower and marked higher in the tissue of aorta in comparison with that of the uterine tissue. 7. Na levels in heart tissue of both formal and castrated female rabbits showed lower than those in uterine tissues. On the contrary, Na levels within the tissue of aorta of the normal and castrated female rabbits showed higher levels than those in uterine tissue. A long term administration of progesterone in large dose produced a similar tendency as in the foregoing. 8. In the normal and castrated female rabbits, K levels were markedly higher in the heart tissues and were markedly lower in the tissue of aorta than that in the uterine tissues. The long term administration of progesterone in large dose produced similar tendency rather conspicuously as in the foregoing. 9. Cl level in heart tissue showed markedly lower and slightly higher in the tissue of aorta than that in the uterine tissues in the normal and the castrated female rabbits respectively, 10. Mg level in heart tissue showed markedly higher, but that in aorta showed markedly lower than that in the uterine tissue in the normal and the castrated female rabbit respectively. A long term administration of progesterone in large dose also maintained similar levels as above mentioned.

日本의 매스미디어의 國家的 콘센서스 役割

金永椿(Kim Young Choon) 한국정치학회 1990 한국정치학회보 Vol.23 No.2

日本의 미디어(특히 新聞)의 政治的인 役割을 규명하기 위해서 우리는 총체적인 시각으로 또 실증적인 분석방법을 통하여 연구하여야 한다고 생각한다. 本 ?究는 戰後 日本의 中ㆍ日外交正常化 과정을 중심으로 日本의 미디어가 어떻게 外交政治에 있어서 國家的콘센서스를 형성시키는데 공헌하였는가를 파악하는데 그 目的이 있다. 기존의 學者들의 가설에 대한 문제점을 批判하고 日本新聞틀의 독특한 自己規制를 통하여 新聞社 內部의 意思決定과정, 그리고 外的要因인 政府, 政黨, 大衆, 다른新聞社와의 관계를 분석한다. 그러므로 本 論文의 接近方法에서는 日本新聞이 外的 및 內的要因들의 相互作用을 통하여 意思決定을 한다는 것이다. 우리는 中ㆍ日外交正常化 과정에서 多元論者의 시각이 權力엘리트 개념을 주장하는 학자들보다 더 적절히 설명될 수 있다고 보느데 이것은 自民黨이나 社會黨의 派閥政治가 심도있게 전개되기 때문이다. 여기서 우리는 미디어가 自民黨과 社會黨의 派閥의 견해를 조정(批判 혹은 支持)하면서 議題設定的 콘센서스를 이룬다는 것이다. 本 論文의 기본가설은 일본에서 뉴스를 統制하는것, 公開하는것, 사설의 논조등은 新聞社의 利害관계 및 國家的콘센서스를 형성시키는데 공헌하는 경향이 있다는 것이다. 分析方法에서는 日本의 三大新聞인 아사히, 마이니치, 요미우리 그리고 아카하타의 社?을 主로 분석하였는데, 分析의 單位는 사설의 ‘주제’속에 담겨진 내용이었다. 社?內容은 6개의 分類로 나누었으며(政治實行, 特別한 政策 그 자체, 官僚, 政黨, 全政府, 그리고 國家의 存立) 이러한 항목들이 편집자에 의하여 어떻게 批判 혹은 支持를 받고 있는가에 촛점을 두었다. 우리는 이러한 分析方法을 통하여 사설을 분석한 결과 기본가설이 확인될 수 있었는데 이것은 日本新聞이 新聞社 利益과 國益이라는 兩軸의 관계로 콘센서스를 형성시킨다고 보기 때문이다. 왜 日本新聞은 그토록 활발하게 콘센서스 형성에 노력하는가에 대한 대답으로 국제현실에서 中ㆍ日正常化가 日本의 國益에 크게 有利하다는 것과 신문사의 자체이익을 고려한다는 점을 들 수 있다. 戰後 천황제나 관료제가 국민의 신뢰를 받지 못하였는데 미디어가 이러한 政治的 空白期에 독자성을 가지고 組織과 組織사이의 공감대를 형성 시켰다고 본다. 이러한 맥락에서 미디어는 국민으로부터 신뢰를 크게 얻었으며 이를 유지하기 위해서, 또 政治圈에 있어서는 신문의 독자적 영역을 확보하기 위해서 활발히 콘센서스를 형성시킨다고 본다.

妊娠 9個月에 誘發된 自然子宮 破裂의 1例

金應椿,李根容,尹相烈,李榮玉 大韓産婦人科學會 1968 大韓産婦人科學會雜誌 Vol.11 No.4

선출되지 않은 권력

김동춘(金東椿) 새얼문화재단 2018 황해문화 Vol.99 No.-