중국의 대학개혁정책

손계림 한국교육행정학회 1995 敎育行政學硏究 Vol.13 No.3

김정일의 "선군정치(先軍政治)"와 "수재-엘리트(elite)" 교육체계

孫啓林 고려대학교 북한학연구소 2000 北韓學硏究 Vol.1 No.-

General Secretary Kim Jong Il developed military capabilities right after his inauguration into the highest position within the party, thus he maintained his ruling power internally and attempted to obtain the military initiative on the Korean peninsula, externally. He attempted to get the economic sanctions against the United States eased on the one hand, and tried to obtain maximum amounts of foreign aids on the other through foreign policy based up[on brinkmanship. For achieving these goals, he the P'yongyang regime has pursued its political, economic, military, foreign, educational-cultural and inter-cultural policies, directed by the military-oriented politics, thoroughly. Meanwhile, the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK) has initiated elite-oriented education by establishing the First Pyongyang Junior High school since 1983. I has expanded this form of education that consists of superior facilities and contents for all the districts in P'yongyang, and within each province and major cities under the direct control of the government. According to this policy, those graduates from the special "First Junior High Schools" have received recommendations to enter prestigious college and universities such as Kim Il Sung University, Kim Ch'aek Institute of Technology, and the P'yongyang College of Science. Also, students have been allowed to choose their subjects by themselves. In addition, some young children with special talents have been enrolled into the special classes operated by the prestigious institutes of arts and athletics. This educational policy has brought a number of criticisms. First, the elite-oriented educational system has raised disappointment among the people and created a type of barrier between the new generations. At the beginning, the purpose of the elite-oriented education was to improve the quality of education. But, the majority of common people in the 1990s realized that such an elite education bred a new special class, and those graduates from such institutions could move into the high class smoothly, while those from the ordinary schools lost chances to be enrolled at the colleges and universities. Instead, they were recruited to the military or labor camps, and were forced to live with no status change. Furthermore, the fact that the majority of the students of the elite schools were the children of the high officials within the Korean Workers Party disappointed the common people. They demanded to have true competitions on an equal basis, regardless of the background and status of their parents by saying that "all men are equal under the grades." Second, the elite-oriented education has become a toll solely devoted to the military-oriented politics led by the General Secretary Kim Jong Il. After the death of Kim Il Sung, the General Secretary ordered the inclusion of new subjects on the "Revolutionary Activities of Communist Mother Kim Jong suk," and "Revolutionary History of the Communist Fighter Kim Jong Suk" into the regular curriculum from the elementary school unto the university. This was an effort to strengthen ideological education for the new generation. Therefore, those students trained under the elite system have turned out to be new types of human beings with full of subjectiveness, loyalty, and fidelity; they would dare go into the fire for the Party and the Great Leader. Such students trained under the elite system are choosing voluntarily subjects which could be closely related to the military-oriented politics, and thus are eager to repay what Kim Il Sung and Kim Jong Il have given them. For instance, those who were given the chances to study abroad competed with each other to study nuclear physics or to devote their entire lies in the area of party propaganda by taking the "revolutionary history" of Kim Il Sung and Kim Jong Il. Third, the elite education led by the military-oriented politics has brought about some impact on the quality of the ordinary education. Since the mid-90s, the DPRK has increased its spending on the military to strengthen the military-oriented politics. But the negative economic growth over the last several years has reduced the amounts of investment for the compulsory education. As a consequence, there have· been shortages of textbooks, school supplies, and even school uniforms except for some students residing in special district in P'yongyang. Particularly, in the remote areas, such as border villages, the conditions are even worse; the ratios of school enrollment as well as entrance have continuously declined to reach a critical point where no one could ever expect normal school days at all. Therefore, the educational quality of each school has dropped sharply while those who were chosen to the elite courses can enjoy all the special treatments and exclusive privileges. Once the gap between the haves and have-nots was created and grew wider, it was inevitable to see several negative impacts on the constructive production and the overall political stability. Very few educational experts within the DPRK became worried much about such negative impacts.

한국과 중국의 고등교육 수월성 프로그램의 추진 배경과 전략 비교 연구

최영표,구자억,孫啓林손계림 한국비교교육학회 2003 比較敎育硏究 Vol.13 No.2

북한 대학의 입학, 학사운영 그리고 학위제도

한만길,손계림,Han, Man-Gil,Son, Gye-Rim 한국대학교육협의회 1996 大學敎育 Vol.81 No.-

북한 고등교육의 발전 과정과 유형

한만길,손계림,Han, Man-Gil,Son, Gye-Rim 한국대학교육협의회 1996 大學敎育 Vol.80 No.-

북한의 교원양성제도와 고등교육

한만길,손계림,Han, Man-Gil,Son, Gye-Rim 한국대학교육협의회 1997 大學敎育 Vol.86 No.-

김일성종합대학과 북한의 권력 엘리트 양성

한만길,손계림,Han, Man-Gil,Son, Gye-Rim 한국대학교육협의회 1996 大學敎育 Vol.83 No.-

고등교육 단계의 성인교육

한만길,손계림,Han, Man-Gil,Son, Gye-Rim 한국대학교육협의회 1997 大學敎育 Vol.87 No.-

북한의 과학기술 교육과 김책공업종합대학

한만길,손계림,Han, Man-Gil,Son, Gye-Rim 한국대학교육협의회 1996 大學敎育 Vol.84 No.-

사회주의 시장경제체제로의 변혁에따른 중국고등교육의 개혁에 관한 연구

최영표,구자억,손계림 한국교육개발원 2002 한국교육 Vol.29 No.2

The study mainly focuses on the post-period of the 1992 adoption of market system, and analyzes how Chinese higher education reacts to the market needs escaping from the system of the planned economy. And the study investigates the prospective way of education reform. The administrative system of the Chines higher education becomes multilateral and efficient according to the needs of the market economy, and is supposed to solve all the problems spontaneously based on competitiveness. And the Chinese higher-education is oriented to construct the system of efficiency and functionalism escaping from the communist principle. The management of universities is given a great level of autonomy in order to have competitive in the open society and to escape from the national system. The management of universities is also forced to take a part in sharing the burden. The educational reform will continue leading to an over 15% level of school-entrance rate, the development of private-run universities which are administered properly, an increase in the autonomy, and finally the continuous strengthening of major departments in the universities. And finally the educational reform will induce the development of higher vocational education due to the trend of opening. 본 연구는 1992년 사회주의 시장경제의 도입 이후를 주요 대상으로 삼아 시장경제가 도입되면서 고등교육이 계획경제에 안주했던 체제에서 벗어나 시장경제의 요구에 어떻게 대응하여 어떻게 개혁되고 있으며 그 실상은 어떠한가 하는 점을 연구하는데 목적을 두었다. 최근의 고등교육 개혁은 ’93년의 ‘중국고등교육과 발전강요’, ’99년의 ‘21세기를 지향한 교육진흥행동계획’의 문서에 의해 추진되었는데 ’92년 사회주의시장경제를 도입한데 따른 개혁 요구에 부응하기 위한 조치라고 볼 수 있다. 대학경영은 국가가 모든 것을 관리하는 방식을 벗어나 국가는 거시적으로 관리하고 민․관공동경영, 민간경영 등으로 다양화하며 점차 자율화시키는 방향으로 나가고 있다. 그리고 사회개혁에 따른 전공부문과 구조 및 교육과정을 대폭 조정․개편하였으며, 세계화차원에서 ‘211공정계획’ 사업을 벌이고 있다. 또한 대학교육은 과거 무상제에서 25% 범위에서 수익자 부담방식으로 전환하고, 학생모집방식도 두 가지 방식을 병행시켰던 과도기를 지나 공개경쟁을 통한 방식으로 일원화하였다. 취업은 계획경제시대의 분배제에서 공개경쟁을 통한 취업으로 바꾸어 나가고 있다. 이와 같은 고등교육 개혁은 앞으로도 지속될 것인데 2005년까지 입학율을 15% 수준으로 제고하고, 사립대학의 발전을 유인할 것이며, 고등교육의 자율성도 더욱 증대시킬 것으로 전망된다. 그리고 중점대학과 학과를 계속하여 육성할 것이며, 고등직업교육도 발전시켜 나갈 것으로 예상된다.