두경부 선양낭성암종에서 원격전이와 관련된 임상적, 병리학적 예측 인자

성명훈(Myung Whun Sung),권택균(Taek Kyun Kwon),이상준(Sang Joon Lee),김광현(Kwang Hyun Kim),김정훈(Jeong Whun Kim) 대한두경부종양학회 2002 대한두경부 종양학회지 Vol.18 No.2

Background and Objectives : Adenoid cystic carcinoma (ACC) is a unique tumor characterized by frequent and delayed distant metastasis (DM) with uncommon regional lymph node metastasis. We evaluated the factors affecting DM of ACC and survival after appearance of DM. Materials and Methods : Medical records, radiographs and pathologic slides were reviewed for 94 patients from 1979 through 2001. Results : DM of ACC occurred in 46 patients, and developed more frequently in patients with tumors of the solid histologic subtype than in patients with tubular or cribriform subtypes. DM occurred less frequently in the sinonasal tract, and development of DM was not affected by tumor stage. Disease-specific 5- and 10-year survival rates were 88% and 72% for patients without DM, respectively and 76% and 48% for those with DM (p=0.02). Regarding the site of DM and its impact on outcomes, 30 patients had lung metastasis alone, 5 patients bone metastasis alone and 6 patients developed both lung and bone metastasis. Median survivals after appearance of DM among patients with isolated lung metastases and those with bone metastases with or without lung involvement were 54 and 21 months, respectively (p=0.04). Conclusions : Development of DM in ACC is predicted by solid histologic subtype, and major salivary gland or oral/pharyngeal rather than sinonasal primary site. Those patients with bone involvement with our without lung metastases had worse outcomes than those with pulmonary metastasis only.

Tracking International Efforts Preventing WMD & Missile Proliferation and North Korea

( Seong Whun Cheon ) 국방대학교 안보문제연구소 2008 The Korean Journal of Security Affairs Vol.13 No.2

WMD is defined as nuclear explosive weapons, radiological weapons, lethal chemical and biological weapons, and those that will be equal to the above mentioned weapons in terms of destructive effects and will be developed in the future. It has included high explosives. This paper tracks international efforts to prevent the spread of WMD, missiles, and their technologies and draw policy implications. After introducing the historical definition of WMD, the paper focuses on less-strict but powerful norms and rules arranged by advanced industrial nations to reduce the chance that their export might be diverted to military purposes. Then, it investigates how the further efforts have been forged to counter possible use of WMD by terrorists or rogue regimes. With due consideration of the importance of missile proliferation by North Korea, the paper also presents political and security implications of North Korean missile proliferation.

Assessing the Threat of North Korea`s Nuclear Capability

( Seong Whun Cheon ) 한국국방연구원 2006 The Korean Journal of Defense Analysis Vol.18 No.3

North Korea`s nuclear capability poses a significant threat to South Korea`s security and to international peace. The nuclear capability of the Democratic People`s Republic of Korea (DPRK) has four components: (1) fissile materials; (2) design/ manufacture/high-explosive testing; (3) nuclear tests; and (4) miniaturization. This capability can be transformed into a credible nuclear threat. Pyongyang`s multiple nuclear devices are already deliverable, while dirty bombs employing radioactive materials also pose significant security risks. Increased inter-Korean exchanges risk unintended consequences as expanded transportation routes may be exploited by Pyongyang as corridors for the clandestine introduction of nuclear devices and dirty bombs into Seoul. Furthermore, South Korea may become an unwitting intermediary for North Korean WMD proliferation. The significance of the DPRK nuclear threat must be viewed from the international perspective of eliminating similar threats. North Korea`s obvious nuclear capability is compelling evidence that the country has successfully developed nuclear weapons by persistently violating all major international agreements and deceiving the international community. It is a critical security threat to South Korea, so it should be prepared for the worst-possible scenario. In view of the serious challenges posed by nuclear-armed North Korea, South Korea must develop appropriate strategies and policy measures to counter the threat. A new strategic paradigm would integrate coercion and inducement based on the principle of reciprocity; namely, to use carrots and sticks concurrently. Under this overarching paradigm, a set of measures must be taken to counter the nuclear threat posed by North Korea.

Infrared phonon anomalies and orbital ordering in single-crystalline MnV2O4spinel

Myung-Whun, K.,Jang, S. Y.,Katsufuji, T.,Boris, A. V. American Physical Society 2012 Physical review. B, Condensed matter and materials Vol.85 No.22

Fabrication of Prism-Type Textured Encapsulant Surface in Packaged Side-View Light-Emitting Diodes by Using Imprint Lithography

Myung-Whun Chang,이종면 한국물리학회 2008 THE JOURNAL OF THE KOREAN PHYSICAL SOCIETY Vol.53 No.3

A method for enhancing the light extraction efficiency is analyzed theoretically and experimentally in side-view light-emitting diodes with a textured top surface of an encapsulant. A prism-type textured surface is proposed in order to increase the extraction efficiency, which is calculated by using ray-tracing simulations. According to the simulation results, the extraction efficiency can be enhanced by up to 35 % compared with that of conventional LEDs. By using a soft-lithography technique to texture the top surface of an encapsulant, we have fabricated a prism-structure array. The experimental enhancement of the light extraction eciency is 14 %.

The Case for Theater Nuclear Deterrence in South Korea

Seong-whun Cheon 동아시아재단 2023 Global Asia Vol.18 No.1

A LIMITED NUCLEAR WEAPON-FREE ZONE IN NORTHEAST ASIA: ITS LIMITS AND THE ROAD AHEAD

Seong-Whun Cheon 통일연구원 2001 International journal of korean unification studie Vol.10 No.2

The idea of establishing a nuclear weapon free zone in Northeast Asia has been flourishing for the last decade. Aspirations for making an enduring and peaceful NWFZ of this region have been partly encouraged by growing international interests and efforts for nonproliferation and nuclear disarmament. In the Asia-Pacific region, in particular, such aspirations have been materialized in several parts of the region. The forces of creating a NWFZ had started in South Pacific and have been gradually moving up toward the North. So it is natural and reasonable to envision that the next turn would be Northeast Asia. Up until today, most international efforts on turning Northeast Asia into a nuclear weapon free zone have gathered under the initiative of John Endicott, a professor at the Georgia Institute of Technology. Under Dr. Endicott’s leadership, a group of specialists from China, Japan, the Republic of Korea, Russia and the United States has held meetings every year since January 1995 to consider the feasibility of a limited nuclear weapon free zone for Northeast Asia. This group’s proposal has been dubbed Limited Nuclear Weapon Free Zone in Northeast Asia (LNWFZ-NEA). This paper looks at the achievements and failures of the LNWFZ-NEA proposal and proposes some measures to support efforts for establishing the LNWFZ in Northeast Asia. First, the paper summarizes the process of the LNWFZ-NEA and its achievements. Second, arguing that the lack of clear-cut objectives is an important failure, the following three objectives for the LNWFZ-NEA are proposed: (1) enhancing transparency; (2) promoting prosperity; and (3) strengthening peace and stability. Finally, the paper emphasizes the significance of launching practical projects bearing tangible benefits for drawing sustained support of the LNWFZ-NEA from the international community and presents such policy measures.EA). The idea of establishing a nuclear weapon free zone in Northeast Asia has been flourishing for the last decade. Aspirations for making an enduring and peaceful NWFZ of this region have been partly encouraged by growing international interests and efforts for nonproliferation and nuclear disarmament. In the Asia-Pacific region, in particular, such aspirations have been materialized in several parts of the region. The forces of creating a NWFZ had started in South Pacific and have been gradually moving up toward the North. So it is natural and reasonable to envision that the next turn would be Northeast Asia. Up until today, most international efforts on turning Northeast Asia into a nuclear weapon free zone have gathered under the initiative of John Endicott, a professor at the Georgia Institute of Technology. Under Dr. Endicott’s leadership, a group of specialists from China, Japan, the Republic of Korea, Russia and the United States has held meetings every year since January 1995 to consider the feasibility of a limited nuclear weapon free zone for Northeast Asia. This group’s proposal has been dubbed Limited Nuclear Weapon Free Zone in Northeast Asia (LNWFZ-NEA). This paper looks at the achievements and failures of the LNWFZ-NEA proposal and proposes some measures to support efforts for establishing the LNWFZ in Northeast Asia. First, the paper summarizes the process of the LNWFZ-NEA and its achievements. Second, arguing that the lack of clear-cut objectives is an important failure, the following three objectives for the LNWFZ-NEA are proposed: (1) enhancing transparency; (2) promoting prosperity; and (3) strengthening peace and stability. Finally, the paper emphasizes the significance of launching practical projects bearing tangible benefits for drawing sustained support of the LNWFZ-NEA from the international community and presents such policy measures.EA).

마늘이 마우스 肝組織의 脂質에 미치는 影響에 關한 硏究

金昇元(Whun-Wha Kim) 韓國營養學會 1969 Journal of Nutrition and Health Vol.2 No.1

Revisiting North Korea`s Nuclear Problem Reflections and Lessons for the Future

( Seong Whun Cheon ) 한국국방연구원 2001 The Korean Journal of Defense Analysis Vol.13 No.1

Nuclear-Armed North Korea and South Korea`s Strategic Countermeasures

( Seong Whun Cheon ) 한국국방연구원 2004 The Korean Journal of Defense Analysis Vol.16 No.2

North Korea`s nuclear crisis is the most dangerous security threat South Korea has faced since the Korean War and is likely to serve as a turning point that can trigger a structural change in the status quo of the Korean peninsula. To the North Korean regime, nuclear weapons are a critical military element that can be used as a threat to dominate South Korea in the two countries` rivalry and as a last resort to guarantee the regime`s survival and continuity. This paper first discusses capability and strategic implications of a nuclear-armed North Korea. The paper then examines the positions of the ROK and the United States on how to view and deal with North Korea`s nuclear crisis and highlights the differences of the two sides` approaches. Finally, as a main argument of this paper, it is proposed that the South Korean government should adopt a new strategic paradigm in order to bring the North Korea nuclear problem to a final conclusion. The new approach maintains that it is time for the ROK to launch a strategy integrating coercion and inducement rather than sticking to the one-dimensional carrot-only strategy. Three strategic countermeasures and related policy options are proposed to the South Korean government. In particular, this paper emphasizes the importance of being prepared for North Korea`s nuclear weapons in the military and security dimensions.