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宋永俊 圓光大學校大學院 1985 學位論叢 Vol.15 No.-
The aim of this dissertation is to inquire into the Korean poetic songs made or sung in Koryo period, and to reveal the names, the classification, the form and the transition process of genre for the Korean poetic songs via philological, empirical, and other methods. It seems that the re were lots of poetic songs in Koryo Period. However, the works which were handed down up to now are onl y 13 pieces of Hyang-ga, 16 pieces of Koryo-kayo and a few pieces of Sijo. Because there were no Korean letter to write freely at that time, and besides. the intellectuals of that period regarded poetic songs made in Korean language as something vulgar. I include even those works not remaining today into the subject matter of the study. The consequences of the study can be summarized as follows. 1) It is erroneous to say that Hyang-ga had already disappeared in Koryo period, as many scholars contend. For there had been writers and works of Hyang-ga until later Koryo period. (2- 2) Therefore I think that Hyang- ga had been sung until later Koryo period. 2) No agreement has yet been made on the origin of Si-jo among scholars, but I think that Hyang- ga was changed into Si-jo. I have the opinion that after the transition, Si-jo exist ed together with Hyang- ga by the end of Koryo period. For it is proved that original form of Si-jo is to be found out of "Silla Choyongga" part in "Koryo Choyongga."(2--3--3, 2-3-4) 3) Korean poetic songs in Koryo period have bee. named variously such as "Sokga," "Sok-yo," "Kyong-gi-chega," "Kyong-gi-hayoga" etc. But these names don't represent the characteristics of Korean poetic songs in Koryo in full measure. (3-1) 4) Korean poetic songs are characterized by "refrain." If a song has a refrain, it continues in several stanzas, and if not, it ends in one stanza. I call the former "Yon- ga" ( continuing song), the latter, Hyang- ga.(3-1-6) 5) Many scholars have called Korean poetic songs as "Sok-ga" or "Kyong-gi-chega," but I regard them as "Yon- ga." Because they are connected in several stanzas followed by "refrain."(3-1-6) 6) Instead, such poetic songs as "Samo-kok", "Lees ang- kok" and "Man jonchun-Byolsa" are all Hyang- ga. Because they end in one stanza without refrain. (2-2-1) 7) Refrains can form a verse. And one-retrain-verse developed into two, three-and four- refrain verse. In practice. however, examples of three- or four-verse refrains are very rare.(3-3) 8) I put emphasis on "refrain." Based on the principle of unity, refrain is the standard by which all Korean poetic songs in Koryo period are classified. So Hyang- ga, Yon- ga and even so-called Sok- ga and Kyong- gi- chega can all be c1assified based on whether they have refrain or not and if they have refrain, they have one-refrain-verse or two-refrain-verse.(3-2) 9) Many scholars regard Korean poetic songs in Koryo period as either ballad or song of royal palace. But I think both forms of song were existed in that period. Part of ballads were sung in royal palace and the rest of them were sung by ordinary people, I think. By the way, In the course of ballad's introduction into royal palace, the words most probably have been changed ani must have been influenced by foreign music or songs. (And in this period, ballads are believed to have been considerably refined because of refrain.) (3-3-2) 10) In sum, Korean poetic songs made or sung in Koryo period can be classifie into the following two major categories. (1) Hyang-ga, ending in one stanza not followed by refrain. (2) Yon-ga, continuing in several stanzas followed by refrain. And Yon- ga in turn can be classified into two types of songs : (1) One-refrain-verse songs (so-called "Sok-ga") (2) Two-refrain-verse songs (so-called "Kyong- gi- chega) In this sense, in concluding remarks, the history of Korean poetic songs in Koryo period should be written in renewal. (4)
1920년대 동요 형성과 정착을 둘러싼 경계와 배제-동요가 배척한 유행가-
송현민 ( Song Hyun-min ) 인하대학교 한국학연구소 2019 한국학연구 Vol.0 No.55
This study examines the discourses and exclusions of popular songs at the time, and the discourses of children's songs between children’s songs and popular songs. In 1923, children’s songs grew in the environment of creation and dissemination of children’s songs that became active after the launch of the children’s magazine “Children”. In the process, the boundary and exclusion discourse on the trendist song played a role in consolidating children's songs. In this debate, there are two dichotomy : ‘children's song = pure = nature’ and ‘popular song = fallen (decay) = city’. This study summarizes children's song theory insisted by children’s song producers and children’s literary writers in the 1920s. Through these studies, I would like to establish a bridge between children’s songs and popular songs that were not found in children’s songs research in the 1920s.
제월당(霽月堂) 송규렴(宋奎濂)의 향촌활동(鄕村活動)과 사회사상(社會思想)
송운호 ( Woon Ho Song ) 충북대학교 사학회 2010 忠北史學 Vol.25 No.-
I studied Song, Gyu-ryeom`s life through his `Annual Report` and writing series, `Jewoldangjip` and the ideology of the society that he lived in through the country activity. Song, Gyu-ryeom was a famous Confucian scholar who lived in Hoedeok at the latter Choseon dynasty. He was called the one of the three prominent `Songs` with Uam, Song, Si-yeol, and Dongchundang, Song, Jun-gil. The reason why Song, Gyu-ryeom`s ancestors who lived in Hoedeok was that Song, Myung-eui(Song, Gyu-ryeom`s 10th ancestor) settled there as he became the son-in-law of Hwang, Su who lived in Hoedeok. Since then many famous Confucian scholars came out of Eunjin Songs` family members and they thrived through marrying the nobles. When Song, Gyu-ryeom was a boy, he experienced Byeonjahoran and the fall of the Ming Dynasty. He also spend his adolescence under the mood that people insisted to conquer the Cheong Dynasty. So it made him follow Song, Si-yeol and Song, Jun-gil`s political and ideologic way and he learned the basic of study from them. Song, Gyu-ryeom was respected as a Confucian scholar in Hoedeok. He emphasized `Hyangeumjurye`, `Hyangsarye`, `Reading methods` at the society of the country. `Hyangeumjurye` means that Confucian scholars in the country gathered at Hyanggyo or Seowon and had a feast with prominent Confucian scholars. The Confucians learned the manner to respect honest people, to take care of the old people, and to experience good courtesy there. Also he taught students devotionally at the Sunghyeonseowon. In 1672(Sukjong 2nd year), he built the Jewoldang inside his house and spent his whole life on studying Confucianism and teaching students. Teaching students at the Jewoldang and the Sunghyeonseowon was theoretical part and Hyangeumjurye was the reformation project which included the education of practical manner. Like this, Song, Gyu-ryeomtried to carry out `manner` through personality based on Neo-Confucianism And Song, Gyu-ryeom also had the social ideology of the autonomy of the country. That idea was shown in the preface of Hoedeok Hyangyack(1672) that he wrote. Hoedeok Hyangyack was made into one book with Hoedeok Hyangyan. Then Song, Si-yeol made the preface of Hoedeok Hyangyan and Song, Jun-gil wrote it. And Song, Gyu-ryeom wrote the preface of Hyangyack which was attached to the back of Hyangyan. He was the core member to make the Hoedeok Hyangyack with two Songs. The reason why he was called as the one of the three Songs of Hoedeok might be due to this work. Hyangyack was the regulation that Hyangwon made for education and cooperation of the country people. So the Hoedeok Hyangyack also had the content like that. The Jewoldang was the place where Song, Gyu-ryeom studied and taught students with all effort at his old age. Also it was the place where he built for just studying after he abandoned his will to have a government position. The education place like this was the sign that he wanted to live with the nature and worked hard for teaching students. Song, Gyu-ryeom`s country activity showed his social ideology to improve national customs from the country customs with the spread of Hyangyack.
송지원(Song, Ji-Won) 숭실대학교 한국문학과예술연구소 2016 한국문학과 예술 Vol.19 No.-
고대 중국의 가장 오래된 시가집으로서의 『시경』은 사서삼경의 경전으로 우리나라에 유입되어 유학사(儒學史)에 큰 영향을 끼쳤다. 특히 『시경』은 음악과 관련된 경전으로서 원래 노랫말이 있는 음악이었으며, “『시경』은 곧 『악경』”이라고 보는 학자들도 있으리만치 음악적인 면에서 중요한 경전의 위치를 점하고 있다. 특히 유학의 심화가 이루어지는 조선조에 『시경』은 문학 텍스트만이 아닌, 노랫말 있는 음악이라는 시각이 확대되었다. 텍스트만 남은 시에 노래 선율이 있다면 그 선율의 모습은 사람들마다 다르게 그려질 수 있다. 따라서 조선에서는 학문적 권위를 지니는 주희가 선택한 시경 선율을 유입하고 그것을 손보아 여러 의례에서 활용하였다. 또 『시경』의 텍스트가 지니고 있는 교화적 기능은 그 노랫말에 당시 쓰이고 있는 여러 선율을 붙여 연주하는 시도로 이어기지도 했다. 조선 전기에 여러 의례를 제정하는 가운데 활용된 『시경』의 노랫말 선택 양상에서 그러한 시도들을 찾을 수 있다. 그런가 하면 조선 후기로 가면서 『시경』이 ‘시와 악’의 화두와 함께 학문적 논의가 심화되는 현상들이 이어진다. 이처럼 조선조 음악에서 『시경』을 수용하거나 활용하는 사례는 다양하다. 이 글에서 그와 같은 양상에 대해 논의하였다. 첫째, 『시경』의 음악이 남아 있지 않기 때문에 중국에서 모의시악(模擬詩樂)을 만들어 놓은 음악을 조선이 수용하고 그것을 활용하는 양상에 대한 것, 둘째, 텍스트만 남아 있는 『시경』의 가사에 제3의 선율을 입혀 활용하는 양상, 셋째, 그러한 『시경』 관련 음악들이 여러 의례에서 쓰이는 양상에 관한 내용을 살펴보았다. 또 『시경』이 ‘노래가 있는 음악’이라는 전제에서 성립한 시악학(詩樂學)으로의 전개 양상에 관한 것도 논의하였다. The Book of Songs, which is the oldest book of poetry of the ancient China, is one of the scriptures of the Seven Chinese Classics and influenced the history of Confucianism after entering Korea. Especially, the Book of Songs is a scripture related to music which used to have lyrics and takes an important position as a scripture in terms of music so that some scholars even view the Book of Songs as the Scripture of Music. Especially in the Joseon Dynasty when Confucianism took its root firmly, the view that considered the Book of Songs as music with lyrics, not just as literary text, spread widely. If a poem that used to have a melody has only its text left, its melody will be imagined differently by different people. So during the Joseon Dynasty, the melody of the Book of Songs that had been chosen by Zhu Xi, who held academic authority, was introduced to Joseon, touched up, and used in various ceremonies. In addition, the edifying function of the text of the Book of Songs led to the efforts to combine the lyrics with various melodies that were used at that time. Such efforts can be found in the aspect of choosing lyrics of the Book of Songs, which were used in establishing various ceremonies in the early Joseon era. In the meantime, in the late Joseon era, there were in-depth academic discussions on the Book of Songs along with the theme of ‘poetry and music’. Like this, there were various cases where music in the Joseon Dynasty accepted or used the Book of Songs and this paper discussed such aspect. First of all, this paper examined the aspect of how Joseon accepted and used what China made as trial poetry and music, since the music of the Book of Songs does not exist now. Second, it reviewed the aspect of combining the lyrics of the Book of Songs with a third melody. Third, it studied the aspect of how music related to the Book of Songs was used in various ceremonies. Also, it discussed the developing aspect of the study of poetry and music that was formed under the premise that the Book of Songs was ‘music with songs’.
『The Korean Repository』에 소개된 LOVE SONG 연구
송민규 ( Min Gue Song ) 현대문학이론학회 2013 現代文學理論硏究 Vol.0 No.52
본고는 한국 최초의 영문 월간잡지 『The Korean Repository』에 게일(James Scarth Gale, 奇一, 1863-1936)이 소개한 문학작품 중, LOVE SONG이라고 인식한 번역시를 연구대상으로 하고 있다. 19세기 말에 이르러 한국 문학에 관련된 서양인들의 기록 또는 번역작품이 등 장하기 시작했다. 그 중에는 한국문학의 전반적인 인상이나 평을 기록한 오페르트(Ernest J. Oppert)나 그리피스(William E. Griffis)가 있었고, 한국 소설을 번역한 알렌(Horace Newton Allen)이나 아노로스(Arnous H. G)가 있었다. 한국시가에 대한 기록은 1895년에 이르러 처음 등장하는데, 바로 『The Korean Repository』에 실린 헐버트와 게일의 성과들이 그것이다. 이 중 게일은 『The Korean Repository 』에 여러 편의 한국시가를 번역하고 논의한 인물로서, 양적인 측면에서 단연 돋보인다. 『The Korean Repository』에 실린 게일의 번역시가는 ODE, LOVE SONG, SONG등으로 불린다. 이와 같은 명칭이 영시(英詩) 고유의 분류법임은 말할 것도 없다. 특히 LOVE SONG으로서의 한국시가는 가장 많은 편수가 번역되었음은 물론, 그 LOVE SONG으로서 처음 소개된 1895년 4월의 기사 ``KOREAN LOVESONG``에는 ``specimens of Korean versification(한국 시형식의 형태)``라고 소개되어 특히 주목된다. 본고는 이외에도 1896년 1월 소개된 ``LOVE SONGS``라고 소개된 작품까지 합하여 총 7편의 LOVE SONG을 연구 대상으로 삼았다. LOVE SONG으로서 한국시가들의 원문은 모두 『남훈태평가』에 실린 애정류시가이다. 이와 같은 특징은 다양한 주제의 ODE나 SONG과는 차별된다. 『The Korean Repository』는 1892년 1월에서 1898년 12월까지(1893년과 1894년의 2년의공백기를 제외하고) 6년에 걸쳐 발간되었는데, 이 시기는 한국의 애정류 시가가성행하던 시대이기도 하다. 더구나 게일이 번역의 대상으로 삼았던 『남훈태평가』에서 애정류 시가가 차지하는 비율은 가장 높다. 따라서 게일은 19세기말 한국사회에서 애정류 시가가 가장 유행했음을 인식하고 이 LOVE SONG을 번역하는데 관심을 쏟았으리라고 추측된다. 한편 LOVE SONG에 드러난 사랑의 표현방식은 『남훈태평가』의 원작과는 다른 모습을 보여주었다. LOVE SONG의 사랑표현은 매우 열정적이며, 구애의 방식에 있어서도 적극적인 모습을 보여주는 반면, 원작의 사랑표현은 간접적이며, 구애의 방식에 있어서도 적극적이지 못했다. 더구나 LOVE SONG은 시어 ``love``를 적극적으로 쓰는데 반하여, 원작에는 시어 ``?랑``이 한번도 등장하지 않는다. 게일은 번역의 과정에서 19세기 말 애정류 시가에 표현된 한국의 정서를 열정적이고 적극적인 사랑으로 변모시켰다. 훗날 게일은 『구운몽』, 『춘향전』 등의 번역에까지 이르게 되는데, 이와 같은 번역소설에 드러난 게일의 사랑관은 그 이전에 번역한 LOVE SONG으로서 시가에 드러난 사랑관과 연결시킬 수 있다. This article studied translated poems perceived as ``Love Songs``out of literary works published on "The Korean Repository", the first English monthly magazine in Korea, by James Scarth Gale (奇一, 1863~1936). In the end of the 19th century, records of Korean literature or translated literature works by westerners came to appear. Among them, there were Ernest J. Oppert and William E. Griffis who recorded overall impression and Horace Newton Allen and Arnous H. G who translated Korean literary works. Records on Korean lyrics first appeared in 1895, which was achievements of Herbert and Gale published on "The Korean Repository". Among them, Gale translated many Korean lyrics and discussed them on "The Korean Repository", and made remarkable achievements in terms of quantity. Korean lyrics on "The Korean Repository" translated by Gale are called as ODE, LOVE SONG or SONG. These names followed English poetry classification. In particular, the biggest number of Korean poems were translated under the name of ``LOVE SONG`` and the first article introducing Korean poetry under the title of ``KOREAN LOVE SONG`` in April 1895, they were introduced as ``specimens of Korean versification``. This article studied total 7 LOVE SONGS including the works introduced as ``LOVE SONGS``in January in 1896. The original texts of Korean poems published as LOVE SONGS were all love songs on "Namhuntaepyungga". Such characteristics made Korean love songs differentiated from ODE or SONG with various kinds of themes and subjects. "The Korean Repository" had been published for 6 years from January, 1892 to December, 1898 (excluding two years``break of 1893 and 1894), when love songs were popular in Korea. Additionally, "Namhuntaepyungga" which Gale translated contained high percentage of love songs. Actually, the highest portion of the works was love songs. It can be guessed that Gale perceived that love songs were popular in Korea at the end of the 19th century and tried to translate these love songs. On the other hand, the expressions of love on LOVE SONG were different from those on the original poems in "Namhuntaepyungga". Love expressions on LOVE SONG were very passionate and the courting method was very active, while those on the original works were indirect and less active in courting. Besides, in LOVE SONG ``love`` has been used actively but in original poems did not use ``?랑``at all. Gale transformed Korean`s emotion expressed in love songs in the 19thcentury to active and passionate love during the course of the translation. Later, Gale translated "Guwunmong" and "Chunhyangjeon", and sense of love shown in his translated novel could be connected to the sense of love shown in LOVE SONG that he had translated before.
홍란파 동요의 음악사학적 재검토 - 음반자료를 중심으로
송방송(Bang Song Song) 세계음악학회 2002 음악과 문화 Vol.6 No.-
The purpose of this study is to examine the children`s songs (tongyo 童謠) composed by Hong Nan-p`a (1898-1941) from a socio-historical standpoint. This study is based on the source materials of SP discs manufactured by Japanese Columbia and Victor Record Companies during the colonial period of Japan (1910-1945). The content of this paper consists of 1. Introduction, 2. An Examination of the Children`s Songs by Hong Nan-p`a: 1) A General Survey of Pieces of the Children`s Songs Recorded in SP Discs, 2) Text Writers and Singers of Hong`s Children`s Songs, 3) A Comparison with the Chosoˇn tongyo paekkokchip (An Anthology of Hong`s Children Songs), 3. Conclusion: A Historical Meaning of the Advent of Children`s Song. In conclusion, the author points out the unknown fact, i.e. the three pieces of Hong`s children`s song: Pyoˇngari (병아리 A Chick), Agi jaeunuˇn norae (아기 재우는 노래 A Cradle Song), and Ch`umch`use (춤추세 Let`s Dance), all of which are not included in the Chosoˇn tongyo paekkokchip (An Anthology of Hong`s Children`s Songs), which was published in 1929. The historical meaning of Hong`s children`s songs must be remarked by the fact that, like ch`ansongga (讚頌歌 Christian hymns) and ch`angga (唱歌 new songs in western style), the advent of children songs in the 1920s opened a new era of modern history of Korean music.
『The Korean Repository』에 소개된 SONG 연구
송민규 ( Min Gue Song ) 국제비교한국학회 2013 비교한국학 Comparative Korean Studies Vol.21 No.1
This paper examines the works of James Scarth Gale (奇一, 1863∼1936) recognized as SONG`s among other translated poems published in Korea`s first monthly English magazine, The Korean Repository. The first Korean literary work introduced into the Western world is known to be Chun Yung`s, Korean Tale, translated by Horace Newton Allen in 1889. Later Korean literary works were introduced into the Western world by Hong Jong-u, H. G. Arnous and others, which were all folk tales or novels. The period when Korean poetry was first translated and introduced into foreign countries was in about 1895. As some works translated by the missionaries, James S. Gale and Homer Bezaleel Hulbert were published in the first monthly English magazine issued in Korea, The Korean Repository, Korean poems began to be known to foreign countries. In particular, Gale translated about 17 poems in Namhuntaepyeongga and introduced them in the form of independent reports in The Korean Repository for years, which were called ODE, LOVE SONG, SONG etc. The Korean poetry as SONG consisting of 4 poems among others attracts attention in that it was published as the opening poetry of the last issue of The Korean Repository in December 1898. Unlike those Korean poems intensively introduced as ODE or LOVE SONG toward 1895 and 1896, those introduced as SONG after almost 2 years had passed reveal differences in themes and significance. The 2 years was a period in which Gale stayed (May 1897-March 1898) at Washington to write and publish Korean Sketches (1898) after he had translated and published The Pilgrim`s Progress and completed the publication of the Korean-English Dictionary (December 1895-1897). In this period, Gale went beyond exploration of Korea, but began to progressively reveal his own view of Korea. His literature like Korean Sketches is part of the result. Thus, Gale in this period selected as subjects of translation those poems showing Koreans` emotions and individualities when he translated Korean poetry. It was the Korean poetry published as SONG in the last issue of The Korean Repository in December 1898 that was a product of the translated poetry that revealed his view of Koreans. Before this period, Gale selected Korean poetry as ODE, as his subject of exploration along with Koreans` life style, and sang Koreans` awareness of love in terms of Korean poetry as LOVE SONG. However, the Korean poetry translated as SONG by Gale almost 2 years later revealed his critical and positive views of Koreans, which originated from his difference as a Western man from Orientals. While based on the Western Orientalist view point from which Occidentals viewed quite primitive Orientals, on the other hand, it was also a part of the course in which his Korean studies was formed which included developmental potentials about Koreans.
“님은 언제 다시 오나”: 노래하는 여성과 노래의 정치학
송화숙 ( Song Hawsuk ) 이화여자대학교 음악연구소 2023 이화음악논집 Vol.27 No.4
It is common in popular music that the persistence of a song is often determined not only by the quality of the song itself but also by the social, cultural, and political context surrounding it. However in the case of “When Will You Come Back Again 何日君再來” the vitality of the song has continued for an unusual long time; the song, which spans more than 60 years, mediates the modern and contemporary political and cultural history of China. Set against the backdrop of Shanghai modernism in the 1930s, the song follows the Chinese popular music, a hybrid of Western and traditional Chinese music, and its lyric focuses style on the common theme of breakups in popular songs. It was the question of “who is ‘you (君)’” that made this simple song the center of a heated debate, and what made it even more controversial was that the narrator was a woman. From Zhou Xuan to Li Lili, Li Xianglan to Deng Lijun, this article explores the multilayered and contradictory refractions of a song through the voices of female musicians.
宋永俊 大田工業高等專門學校 1966 論文集 Vol.1 No.-
1. '兜率歌' must be read 'Duryul-ga'. It is recorded in Samguk-sagi and Samguk-yusa that 'Duryul-ga' was chanted at the time of King Yuri of Silla Dynasty. '兜率歌' has often been read 'Dosol-ga' or 'Tusol-ga', but this is wrong. '兜率' is of Yidu character, and it must be read 'dari'. Especially, our concern must be taken in the fact that '率' in '兜率' is of Chinese character the meaning of which is 'take' in English, and in turn denoted by 'dari-' in Korean. It is, therefore, proved that 'dari' is right judging both from its sound and from its meaning. 2. 'Duryul-ga' is a kind of song for religion service. a) Mountains, temples or spots which are supposed to be pronounced 'dari' in Korean were the places to perform religion service to Heaven or gods. b) Another 'Duryul-ga', chanted at the time of King Kyongduk and supposed to be descended from above mentioned 'Duryul-ga', was also a song for religion service. c) 'Dari-', 'deri-', 'duri-', 'dori-', 'diri-', etc. which are believed to be derivatives of 'dari' had their origin in the religion service. Besides, in Japanese 'religion service' is called 'massuri'. ('Duri' in Korean was transcribed 'ssuri' in Japanese.) 3, 'Duryul-ga' is the first of the songs which were separated from synthetic art and became an independent field of art. It is, however, written in Samguk-ji, Wi-ji, Huhan-su, etc. that they had songs in Ye, Puyeo, Goguryeo, etc. Therefore, we can't think there had not been songs till King Yuri of Silla. Consequently, "……the first of songs" must be understood as the first: Of the songs which were separated from the synthetic art of dancing, music, songs and poetry. Of the songs which had developed from group epics to individual lyrics. 4. 'Duryul-ga'was chanted at the time of the 14th King Yuri, not the 3rd King Yuri. 'Duryul-ga' is one of the songs for religion services. Meanwhile, records indicate us that immoral 'Guji-ga' was chanted later than moral 'Duryul-ga', This is difficult for us to understand. In addition, the time of the 3rd King Yuri still remained in the state of tribe society, Therefore, the time is not supposed to produce such individual lyrics. When was 'Duryul-ga' chanted then? It was probably at the time of the 14th King Yuri . There were two kings called Yuri, and they have often been mistaken for in various history writings.
송미경 ( Song Mi-kyoung ) 한국어문학국제학술포럼 2011 Journal of Korean Culture Vol.16 No.-
This paper inquires closely into the developmental aspects of the Korean witticisms dealing with P'aldoyuram(sightseeing trip throughout Korea) and its problem of tradition and transformation. The Korean witticisms dealing with P'aldoyuram are very appropriate cases for explaining about the issue of tradition and transformation of the folk drama, because there are many transfiguration from the traditional Palt'al(foot puppet performance) to gags with folk songs in the 20th century. At first, the works as the traditional witticisms are P'aldoyuram part in the Palt'al by Lee Dongan and Park Haeil. The purpose of the Lee's wordplay is to set up the spirited entertainment ground for the representative folk songs of Korea's eight provinces and to attract attention to the features and actions of the mask. In Park's scripts, the quantity of wordplays are increased and the distinguishing technique of scolding. Next, the transformed works are the gags with folk songs by the comedy duo Kim Wonho & Son Wonpyeong, Chang Sopal & Ko Chunja, Kim Yeongun & Ko Chunja and Kim Ppeokguk Art Company. It is significant that the work by Kim & Son, P'aldop'unggyŏng, was the first attempt of composing just stories about P'aldoyuram and Chang & Ko's was the first mixed duo in this genre. And the duo Chang & Ko used stories about P'aldoyuram as simple course for wordplays not the main material and expressed women as a sexual object. In Kim & Ko's, previous change deepened and wordplays had no direct relevance to the theme and title of P'aldoyuram increased. Also, there were the political undertones were similar to that of the movie P'aldogangsan in it. Kim Ppeokguk Art Company succeeded Korean witticisms dealing with P'aldoyuram and showed wordplays strengthened local features based on the experiences of nationwide tour concerts. Meanwhile, the aspects of tradition and transformation in the Korean witticisms dealing with P'aldoyuram are summarized as follows. First, the witticisms about P'aldoyuram are given more weight in modern gags with folk songs than traditional Palt'al. The conversion into modern gags with folk songs raised the degree of intensive. Second, the male duo of mask performer playing the mask and singing and clown speaking to the mask and inducing that to sing in traditional Palt'al changed the male/female duo chatting each other in modern gags with folk songs. Third, witticisms in traditional Palt'al were supporting devices for highlighting mask's play. But in modern gags with folk songs, witticisms got importance and various techniques, such as scolding, inserting short play, following rhyme, speaking quickly like a rap song, etc., were tried. And, weakened local feature of witticisms reinforced again in the repertories by Kim Ppeokguk Art Company.