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Views on Buddhist Precepts and Morality in Late Koryŏ
Vermeersch Sem A C 서강대학교 종교연구소 2016 Journal of Korean Religions Vol.7 No.1
The general consensus on Buddhism in the late Kory period is that it was corrupt and too enmeshed in political affairs for its own good. However, the main sources to support this view are the historical records drafted by Neo-Confucian officials, who were very critical of Buddhism. While there is no reason to doubt that corruption plagued Buddhism at the end of the Koryŏ dynasty, accepting this discourse at face value is also problematic. The purpose of this article is not to disprove this rhetoric or exonerate Buddhism, but rather to try and balance this discourse with evidence for internal reform and moral awareness that did in fact exist within Buddhism. This article shows that first and foremost, there was an unbroken tradition of studying the various Buddhist precepts traditions, and that monks turned to these sources for moral reflection. Two examples of illustrious late-Koryŏ monks also show that they were both concerned about moral laxity, and that they promoted different views of the precepts, but shared an intrinsic demand to take them literally. These are first the Indian monk Chigong, who visited Koryŏ between 1326 and 1328, and advocated adherence to his ‘‘precepts of non-production’’ (musaenggye), which prompted many people to give up wine and meat. The second monk is Mugi, who, in his Ode on the Acts of the Tathāgata S ´ akyamuni, written ca. 1328, lashes out at various misdemeanors carried out by the monks of his time. He too advocates a strict adherence to the basic precepts; one of the themes especially emphasized by him (and also by Hyesim before), is the cardinal importance of accepting donations from the laity without any desire or expectation. In how far their calls for moral regeneration were followed is not clear, but the continuous publication of tracts that advocate behavioral rules much like they preached, at the very least shows that monks never gave up on trying to address these problems.
BUDDHISM AT THE CENTER: THE TEMPLES OF KAESŎNG AND THEIR SOCIO-POLITICAL ROLE
SEM VERMEERSCH 계명대학교 한국학연구원 2004 Acta Koreana Vol.7 No.2
Buddhism during the Koryŏ period (918–1392) enjoyed the favor and patronage of the court, aristocrats and commoners alike. Its prominent position in Koryŏ society is reflected in the temples established in the capital, Kaesŏng. Although none of the Koryŏ era temple buildings remain, both the written record and some material remains suggest that Buddhist temples were a dominant feature of the capital landscape. Besides their religious function as places of worship, Kaesŏng temples were also extensions of dynastic authority and centers of economic, cultural, and social activities. Although ritual played an important role in legitimizing dynastic authority, temples were not the main stage for the chief rituals to call for protection of the state: these usually took place in the palace. Temples did play an important role however in the ancestor worship of the Koryŏ dynasty, serving as foci to keep the presence of the dynastic founder and recently deceased kings alive and connect them to Buddhism. Also, a number of the temples established by the dynastic founder, T’aejo, played a key role in the era’s two main festivals (the Eight Prohibitions and Lantern Festival) and some other events, while also serving as headquarters of Buddhist sects. Kaesŏng temples were also occasionally used for political and military purposes, and assisted in charitable events.
『삼국유사』와 민족사 : 지역 서사에서 민족적 아이콘으로(그리고 그 역전?)
Sem Vermeersch 부산대학교 인문학연구소 2009 코기토 Vol.- No.66
『삼국유사』는 한민족 역사상 가장 중요한 기록 중 하나로 추앙받고 있다. 『삼국유사』는 단군신화 등 한민족 담론에 핵심적 역할을 하는 내용들을 담고 있다는 점에서 분명 중요한 기록이라고 할 수 있다. 한편, 20세기 초 『삼국유사』에 대한 관심이 되살아나게 된 민족주의적 맥락에 대해서는 비교적 잘 기록되어 있다. 최남선, 신채호 등 개화파 역사학자들은 『삼국유사』와 같은 기록들을 통해 한민족사의 고유성, 창조성, 자주성을 입증하고자 하였다. 분명 『삼국유사』는 20세기 초에 이르러 고전의 지위를 차지하게 되었다. 그러나 본고에서는 『삼국유사』의 현대적 해석이 그 전근대적 해석과 연속성을 지니고 있으며, 또한 고전으로서의 『삼국유사』의 지위가 한국 근대 국가의 성립과 깊이 관련되어 있기는 하지만 이러한 국가적인 맥락을 넘어서는 가치들을 갖고 있다고 주장한다. 수많은 세대 동안 국내외 학자들은 『삼국유사』에 매혹되어 왔지만, 엄청난 양의 연구가 축적되었음에도 불구하고 여전히 『삼국유사』는 쉽게 범주화되기 어려운 작품이다. 『삼국유사』의 보편적 매력과 고유한 특성을 보여주기 위하여 본고는 작품에 의미를 부여하고자 시도하는 외면적담론들에서 벗어나, 작품 그 자체와 작가인 일연에게 논의의 초점을 두고 있다. 『삼국유사』의 구도는 적어도 “의해(義解)”편에 관한 한 지역 서사의 체계적 사용을 통해 설명될 수 있으며, 이 서사들이 일연의 생애와 종교생활과 깊이 관련되어 있다는 것이 본고의 결론이라 할 수 있다. The Samguk yusa has become firmly enshrined as one of the most important texts in the history of the Korean people. Because some of its contents, notably the Tan"gun myth, have become a linchpin in the discourse of the Korean nation, its importance is readily apparent. The context in which the work has been resurrected for national consumption in the early 20th century has meanwhile been well documented. Modernist historians such as Ch"oe Namsŏn and Sin Ch"aeho turned to a work like the Samguk yusa to legitimize a history of their nation that was indigenous, creative, and non-derivative. Evidently, the work was made into a classic in the 20th century; however, I would like to argue that its modern interpretations do show continuities with pre-modern interpretations, and that, though its status as a classic is firmly bound up with the modern Korean states, it has values that transcend this national context. The work has appealed to generations of scholars, Korean and foreign alike, and despite the enormous quantity of research devoted to it, it still defies easy categorizations. To show its universal appeal and unique character, I will focus on the work itself and its author, and try to eschew the external discourses that try to imbue the work with meaning. I conclude that, at least for the chapter on "exegetes", the structure can be explained through the systematic use of local narratives, and that these narratives are strongly entwined with Iryŏn"s career and religious life.