코로나 플라즈마 처리에 의한 HDPE 표면의 개질에 관한 연구

최진숙,전종탁,정봉규,이근대,문명준,이종무 釜慶大學校 2001 釜慶大學校 論文集 Vol.6 No.-

We are able to generate the stable plasma in open air and nitrogen using a corona plasma treatment system(CPTS) with a high voltage. This was applied to treat the surface of rather non-polar HDPE(High Density Polyethylene) intended for the improvement of adhesion of over-coated layers such as coatings, printing inks. The surface tension of HDPE was significantly improved by the CPTS. The characteristics of surface layer were evaluated by means of contact angle measurement, ATR-FT/IR spectroscopy, and it was found that functional groups were introduced into the surface layer of the HDPE. The use of nitrogen was increased the surface tension of the HDPE from 33.8 mJ/m^2 to 66.56 mJ/m^2, and highly effective method of HDPE surface modification could be realized.

개항기 조선과 서양의 경제교류

송규진 영남대학교 2003 민족문화논총 Vol.28 No.-

Since the opening of the door the trade between Chosun and the West had been carried out steadily, which had been developed to a certain level by the time of the Annexation of Chosun. By the time of opening the door, the West expressed their hope for the trade with Chosun. The US, Germany, France revealed their interests in trade with Chosun after signing trade treaty with Chosun. Though it was not until 1882 that Chosun and the West began to engage in direct trade with each other, indirect trade between the two sides via China and Japan had already been conducted before the time. It is impossible to pinpoint the exact amount of import and export with the US and european countries on the basis of the material of Chosun Customs. But, it is not difficult to infer that the amount of trade between Chosun and the West had sharply increased, based on the fact that the scale of trade after the opening of the door saw a dramatic increase. Chosun made consistent efforts to gain a loan from the West, but the efforts ended up in a failure due to persistent interferences of China and Japan that were exercising political influences over Chosun. It has been suggested that technology cooperation was the area in which Chosun gained the greatest benefit from economic exchange with the West. In principle direct investment of foreigners were allowed in the case of the opening ports. such a foreign investment was concentrated in In-chun port. Early capital investment of foreigners saw a certain level of success in the field of distribution. In contrast, the investment in manufacturing industry ended up in a failure. Westerners operated usually mines. Chosun granted foreigners mining concessions after Akwan-Pachun(俄館播遷). It was the US and the Great Britain that playedan important role during the time. Their investment in mining industry was not as successful as the initially expected. The existing framework, in which the economic exchange between Chosun and the West is defied as a history of invasion within the confines of concessions, should be changed. It was the general tendency of the world that each country had no choice but to open up to the world with the development of the world capitalism. It is beyond dispute that the rise and fall of a country is at the mercy of how well and quickly we understand the stream and swim with it.

수축저감제 혼입률 변화에 따른 콘크리트의 공학적 특성에 관한 연구

한민철,金光華,정규문,정평유,윤성노,한천구 대한건축학회 2003 대한건축학회 학술발표대회 논문집 - 계획계/구조계 Vol.23 No.2

In this paper, tests are carried out using concrete incorporating shrinkage reducing agent(SR) in order to investigate the engineering properties of concrete. The contents of SR and W/C are varied. According to test results, as for fresh concrete, as SR content increases, slump and air content shows decline tendency, and setting time is accelerated with increase of SR content and decrease of W/C. As for compressive strength, as SR contents increases compressive strength shows to be decreased. As for the effect of SR on drying shrinkage, it shows to be reduced with increase of SR content. This is due to the reduced surface tensile strength of water and tensile strength of capillary pore in concrete.

생활환경온도와 착의량이 기초대사에 미치는 영향

李元子,沈揆男,金鎭先,朴承順 복식문화학회 2000 服飾文化硏究 Vol.8 No.3

This study investigated the relation between seasonal variation of total clothing weight, room, outdoor temperature and basal metabolic rate in man. The basal metabolic rate and total clothing weight, room temperature was determined seasonal for a period of two years and grouped four seasons. Subjects (adults volunteers) who live in seoul and mokpo were compose 120 subjects The results were obtained as follows. Seasonal outdoor temperature was difference of seoul and. mokpo. But room temperature in apartments was a little difference than private house. Total-clothing weight is showed seasonal variations at the seoul, private house than at the mokpo, apartment.. The basal metabolic rate is suggested there in gender difference in the basal metabolic rate (P〈.001). The basal metabolic rate increased gradually with the peak of winter sespectively and deceased again todward summer. The difference of between basal metabolic rate in summer and winter was significant room temperature, of seoul and private house, and light total clothing weight

두경부 편평상피세포암 세포주의 VEGF 아형의 분포와 종양증식 및 이종이식성 : relation to xenotransplantability and tumor progression in mice.

김동욱,이종대,박진규,이재형,이병돈,장혁순 순천향의학연구소 2003 Journal of Soonchunhyang Medical Science Vol.9 No.2

Overexpression of vascular endothelial growth factor(VEGF) is related to tumor progression and xenotransplantability in various human solid tumors, but the specific impact of the VEGF-subtypes is still under discussion. The aim of this study was to analyse a possible association of the major VEGF-isoforms and the growth characteristics of xenotransplanted human head and neck squamous cell carcinoma tumors in nude mice. Seven squamous cell carcinoma cell lines were analysed by quantitative RT-PCR using the Taqman^(TM)-System. We investigated the expression of VEGF-total-mRNA and of the major subtypes VEGF-121, -165, and -189 by using subtype specific primers. The cell lines were xenotransplanted in three mice each, and the data of tumor growth and progression were correlated to the expression of VEGF-isoforms. We also investigated an "growth response rate" measured by tumor growth per detected VEGF-level. Six out of the seven cell lines analysed expressed all isoforms of VEGF in different quantities. One cell line expressed generally low levels of VEGF and no VEGF-189 at all, In this cell line xenotransplantation failed in one mice out of three. In a second cell line transplantation failed in one out of seven mice, too. Success rates for the other five cell lines were 100%. The cell lines with higher transplantation success were expressing higher VEGF-121/165-189 ratios comparing to those without success. In contrast, linearity of tumor growth and lack of necrosis were associated with a lower VEGF-121/165-189 ratio. The findings demonstrate a predominant expression of VEGF-165 and VEGF-189, compared VEGF-121. In highly proliferating tumors this rate appeared to be about 10 times higher than in low proliferating tumors. We conclude that the ratio between the VEGF-subtypes during tumor implantation and growth is a prerequisite for progression and hypothesize an individual and different response of each tumor cell line to VEGF.

圓光醫大 附屬 第2病院 神經精神科 患者에 對한 統計的 考察(Ⅱ)

박민철,장광철,김상원,김한주,유미경,김훈,유용진,김현정,박남진,오상우,이귀행,노승호,백영석 圓光大學校 醫科大學 神經精神科學敎室 1992 圓光精神醫學 Vol.8 No.1

본 연구는 1986년 7월 11일부터 1991년 7월 10일까지 원광의대 부속 제2병원 신경정신과에서 의래 및 입원치료를 받았던 6,072명의 환자를 대상으로 병원 역학조사를 실시하고 그 결과를 1차조사 (박민철 등1986)와 비교했다. 1.전체 환자 중 남자가 54.4%로 여자보다 많았고, 이리와 이리 인접지역이 84.0%로 대부분의 지역을 나타났다. 의료보장상태는 보험환자가 57.1%, 의료보호환자21.8%, 일반환자 21.1%였으며 연령별로는 20대 24.6%, 30대 22.8%로 20대 30대가 절반정도를 차지했다. 2.외래환자에서는 신경중성장애가 46.0%로 가장 많고 정동장애, 경련성장애 순이며, 입원환자에서는 정신분열증이 30.5%로 가장 많고 기질성정신장애, 정동장애의 순이었다. 3.남자는 신경증성쟝애(23.4%), 정신분열증, 기질성정신장애 순이고 여자는 신경증성장애(39.9%), 정동장애, 정신분열증의 순이었다. 남자가 여자보다 많은 진단은 알코올정신장애(94.6%), 기질성정신장애, 소아정신장애 순이고, 여자가 남자보다 많은 진단은 정동장애(64.5%), 신경증성장애였다. 4.진단별 연령분포에서 신경증성장에는 30대(25.3%), 20대, 40대 순이고, 정신분열증은 20대(40.5%), 30대, 40대 순이며, 정동장애는 20대, 30대, 50대 순이나 비교적 비슷한 융이었다. 5.진단별 발병연령에서 신경증성장에는 20대, 30대가 절반이고,정신분열증은 20대(51.3%), 10대, 30대 순이며 정동장애는 20대(30.7%), 30대, 50대 순이었다. 진단별 평균 발병연령은 신경증성장애 32.7세, 정동장애 36.1세, 정신분열증 23.6세였다. 6.진단별 이병기간은 2년이상이 신경증성장에 28.3%, 정신분열증 68.5% 정동장애 43.9%인데 전체적으로 41.0%였다. 진단별 평균 이병기간은 정신분열증 73.2개월, 정동장애 45.5개월, 신경증성장애 29.5개월이었다. We examined epidemiologic study of 6,072 patients who visited Wonkwang Neuropsychiatric hospital since July 11 of 1986 until July 10 of 1991 and compared this results with previous study(Park et al 1986). The study revealed as follows:1. Of total patients males visited this hosptial more than females as 57.1%, Most of them(84.0%) resided Iri and neighbouring Iri. In the point of insurance, insured patients, medicaid patients and uninsured patients were 57.1%, 21.8% and 21.1% respectively. On the distribution of age, the twenties, the thirties were 24.6%, 22.8% respectively and twenties and thirties were about half of total patients. 2. Of outpatients neurotic disorder was the most as 46.0%, secondly mood disorder and thirdly convulsive disorder, but of inpatients schizophrenia was the most as 30.5%, secondly organic mental disorder and thirdly mood disorder. 3. Of males neurotic disorder was the most as 23.4%, secondly schizophrenia, and thirdly organic mental disorder, but of females neurotic disorder was the most as 39.9%, secondly mood disorder and thirdly schizophrenia. alcoholic mental disorder(94.6%), organic mental disorder, child mental disorder were mostly found in males,but mood disorder(64.5%) and neurotic disorder were mostly found in females. 4. On the distribution of age neurotic disorder was found the most in the thirties(25.3%), next in the twenties and in the forties, and schizophrenia was found the most in the twenties(40.5%), next in the thirties and in the forties, but mood disorder was found the most in the twenties, next in the thirties and in the forties but revealed similar rates relatively. 5. On the distribution of age of onset neurotic disorder developed nearly half during the twrnties and the thirties, schizophrenia developed mostly during the twenties (51.3%), secondly the teens and thirdly the thirties, but mood disorder developed firstly the twenties(30.7%), secondly the thirties and thirdly the fifties. on the average age of onset of illness neurotic disorder, mood disorder and schizophrenia were 32.7 years, 36.1 years and 23.6 years respectively. 6. On the duration of illness more than two years was 28.3% in neurotic disorder, 68.5% in schizophrenia and 3.9% in mood disorder and on the average duration of illness schizophrenia, mood disorder and neurotic disorder were 73.2 months, 45.5 months and 29.5 months respectively.

한반도 동백나무(Camellia japonica)림에 대한 군락분류

진영규,김인택,Jin Young-Kue,Kim In-Taek 한국생명과학회 2005 생명과학회지 Vol.15 No.5

본 연구는 1999년 5월부터 2003년 2월까지 현지조사 또는 문헌조사에 의하여 한반도 동백나무 분포대에서 263개의 방형구를 설정하였다. 이를 기초로 하여 식생단위를 추출하기 위해서 종조성표와 종합상재도표(Table 1)를 작성하였다 본 연구에서 한반도의 상록활엽수림은 동백나무를 중심으로 9개의 군집(群集)을 설정할 수 있다. 즉 동백나무전형군집, 동백나무-후박나무군집, 동백나무-곰솔군집, 동백나무-구실잣밤나무군집, 동백나무-까마귀쪽나무군집, 동백나무-모밀잣밤나무군집, 동백나무-붉가시나무군집, 동백나무-참식나무군집, 동백나무-생달나무군집으로 정의되었다. The Camellia japonica vegetation in the Korean Peninsula was investigated by the methology of the Z-M school. The synthesis table of Camellion japonicae were arranged for association classification from 263 quadrats. The vegetation of Camellia japonica forest, classfied as an alliance includes nine new associations : Camellietum japonicae typicum Jin et Kim 2005, Machilo thunbergii-Camellietum japonicae Jin et Kim 2005, Pino thunbergii-Camellietum japonicae Jin et Kim 2005, Castanopo cuspidatae var. sieboldii-Camellietum japonicae Jin et Kim 2005, Lito japonicae-Camellietum japonicae Jin et Kim 2005, Castnnopo cuspidatae var. thunbergii-Camellietum japonicae Jin et Kim 2005, Querco acutae-Camellietum japonicae Jin et Kim 2005, Neolito sericae-Camellietum japonicae Jin et Kim 2005, Cinnamomo japonicae-Camellietum Japonirae Jin et Kim 2005.

조선의 ``북방권``무역을 통한 경제협력 네트워크 강화과정

송규진 ( Kue Jin Song ) 고려대학교 역사연구소 (구 역사학연구회) 2012 사총 Vol.76 No.-

The concept of ``the Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere`` is comprised of ``the southern region of the empire`` and ``the northern region of the empire`` under the leadership of Japanese government. During the Pacific War, the southern region was considered as a main concern, while ``the northern region of the empire`` was still strategically important to accomplish the war against China. The Government-General of Chosun regarded the position of Chosun as crucial to furnish supplies for the Sino-Japanese War and tried to consolidate the network of economic cooperation within ``the northern region of the empire`` with Chosun as the center. When the arterial road connecting main land of Japan, Chosun and the continent was established, the inland of Chosun was regarded as the trunk of the continental root of ``the northern region of the empire`` containing the East Sea and the Yellow Sea as well as Korean Peninsula. At the Same time Customs business was simplified and gradually abolished to build up the foundation of economic cooperation institutionally. However, the imports and exports of Chosun were mostly limited within ``the northern region of the empire``. Japanese government regulated institutions through a trade control organization and empathized to collaborate with a more reinforced export institution. The essential reason to reinforce the economic cooperate was to provide conveniences for the Japanese army stationed in the continent. All these efforts were realized in the trade with ``the northern region of the empire``, which increased continuously even in the war and took a great deal of weight within the whole imports and exports. The trade with ``the northern region of the empire`` could have improved due to the role of Chosun as ``the forward logistical base in the continent`` to furnish supplies without the internal factor of industrial development. The network of economic cooperation network of that period had been enhanced not under the economic factor but under political and strategic reason.

The Introduction of the Concept of 'Nation' into the Koran Society and the Adaptation of Its Usage

Song Kue-Jin(송규진) 고려대학교 한국사연구소 2009 International Journal of Korean History Vol.13 No.-

한국에는 근대 ‘네이션’ 개념과는 다르지만 ‘네이션’ 개념의 원형이 역사적으로 존재했다. 이러한 역사적 경험과 당시 한국의 사회 변화에 맞물려 근대 ‘네이션’ 개념이 한국에 수용되면서 그 개념은 변용될 수 밖에 없었다. 한국에서 ‘국가’를 의미하는 용어는 전근대부터 ‘국(國)’ 이라는 용어로 널리 사용되었다. 다만 전근대 시기에는 ‘자주’와 ‘독립’과 밀접히 관련이 있는 주권 개념을 내포하지는 않았다. 유길준은 ‘국가’ 개념을 명확하게 규정했다. 다만 그의 국가 개념은 외부로부터의 ‘독립’만을 강조했다. ‘국가’ 개념이 널리 쓰이면서 국가를 절대화시키는 국가주의가 대두했다. ‘네이션’ 개념이 수용되면서 국가와 관련한 이론 가운데 한국에서 가장 큰 영향력을 끼친 것은 국가유기체론이었다. 신채호도 국가 유기체론을 수용했는데 입헌공화제로 군권을 철저히 제한하려 했다는 점에서 블룬출리와 다르다. 이러한 신채호의 국가주의는 당시 한국이 일본에 강점되는 상황에서 더 이상 실효성을 발휘할 수 없었다. 이렇게 되자 그의 국가론은 민족의 영속성을 강조하는 것으로 변용되었다. 전근대 한국사회에는 통치를 받는 사람들을 ‘백성’이라고 불렀다. ‘백성’에게는 권리보다는 의무만이 강조되었을 뿐으로 근대적 ‘국민’ 개념과는 다르다. 한국에서 민권에 대한 관심은 개항 이후 발전했다. 개화파는 서구의 자유주의의 핵심개념인 자유, 권리 등의 개념을 수용하여 민권을 주장했다. 그러나 개화파는 이러한 민권은 백성에게 쉽게 줄 수 있는 권리가 아니라 생각했다. 『독립신문』에는 ‘국민’이라는 단어가 등장했다. 『독립신문』도 민의 참정권을 부인했다. 이는 당시까지 근대적 의미의 ‘국민’ 개념이 여전히 정착되지 못했음을 의미하는 것이다. 1904년 이후에는 활발하게 간행된 여러 학회의 회보들에서 ‘국민’이라는 단어가 많이 사용되었다. 다만 1907년까지도 ‘국민’이라는 개념이 명확하게 자리를 잡지 못했다. 주권을 보유한 근대적 의미의 ‘국민’ 개념은 신채호에 의해 정립되었다. 국가의 멸망이 현실화되는 시점에서 신채호는 국가의 위기에 ‘국민’을 적극적으로 참여하기 위해 국민주권과 공화주의를 제기했다. 한국은 근대 이전에 ‘종족’의식이 강하게 존재했으며 이것이 ‘민족’ 개념의 수용과 변용과정에서 일정한 영향을 미쳤다. ‘민족’이라는 용어가 등장하기 이전에 한국에서는 ‘동포’라는 용어가 오랫동안 사용되어 왔다. 1897년 장호익이 일본에서 ‘민족’이라는 용어를 처음 사용했다. 한국에서는 1900년 『황성신문』에 ‘동방민족’이라는 용어가 처음 등장했다. 1904년 2월 「한일의정서」 체결 이후 ‘민족’이란 용어가 오늘날의 개념으로 사용되기 시작했다. 1908년 후반기에는 국가 경계 내에 존재하는 인간 집단, 특히 당시의 시점에서는 존재하지 않았지만 역사적으로 존재했던 인간 집단을 ‘민족’이라고 지칭했다. 이런 상황에서 신채호는 ‘민족’을 중심으로 한 새로운 역사 서술 방법을 주장했으며 ‘정신상 국가’를 독립자주정신으로 규정하며 ‘민족정신’을 강조했다. 이러한 ‘민족정신’의 핵심은 국수(國粹)였다. 1908년 이후 ‘민족’이란 용어가 역사성을 띠게 된 것은 한국 사회를 유지시키고 통합시키는 힘이 필요했던 당시 현실과 밀접한 관련이 있다. ‘민족’ 개념은 전근대적 정체성과 구별될 수 있는 민족정체성의 확립에 기여했으며 용어로서는 가장 늦게 출현했지만 일제강점기를 거치며 한국인에게 가장 호소력을 지닌 개념이 되었다. 그리하여 한국에서는 ‘내셔널리즘’의 번역어가 ‘국가주의’나 ‘국민주의’보다는 ‘민족주의’라는 용어로 정착하게 되었다.

조선총독부의 통계행정기구 변화와 통계자료 생산

송규진 ( Kue Jin Song ) 수선사학회 2015 史林 Vol.0 No.54

Right after its occupation of the Korean Peninsula, Japan abolished the Statistics Division which had been set up during the Korean Empire, but reestablished it in 1918. However, it abolished the division again in 1922, thus keeping an exclusive statistical authority only for a certain period of time. Japan frequently changed administrative structures in charge of statistics, as they revised the Administrative Regulation of “the Government-General of Korea” and the Regulation of Administrative Responsibilities of “the Government-General of Korea”. This meant instability in the colonial statistics administration system. Nonetheless, “the Government-General of Korea” placed the head of statistics not only in the central division, but even in terminal organizations of local departments in 1911 to ensure an unproblematic statistical report. Saito Makoto, who had been appointed as governor-general after the March 1 Independent Movement, addressed the importance of statistical work. Thereafter, the Governor-General not only held the statistics head meetings but also statistics exhibitions, and even implemented a reward system to encourage officials in charge of statistics to process them quickly and accurately. The Case Report is a report that evaluated the operating plan and legislation of “the Government-General of Korea” and guidelines for various work tasks in Colonial Korea. The Case Report was divided into a technical report and a statistical report but, as the statistical report comprised most of the report, the Case Report can be considered as the primary data source for producing statistics. Since the implementation of the Case Report System in 1911, the contents of the reports had changed according to the reorganization of “the Government-General of Korea” and statistical authorities. Based on the Case Report System, “the Government-General of Korea” published various research reports, either annual or monthly, on statistics for each department. Out of these numerous sources of the Governor-General’s data, the Statistical Yearbook of “the Government-General of Korea” has been most extensively used by researchers. Each department in the Japanese administrative structure produced statistical data and, in the case of 1944, the Governor-General’s Secretariat had produced the most statistical data out of all central departments of “the Government-General of Korea”. In the Governor-General’s Secretariat, the investigation division, which was the competent authority for statistics, produced 90% of its statistics. Out of the statistical data, the publication rate was about 55.9%, and 44.1% of the data was confidential. Therefore, those containing general information, including the Statistical Yearbook of “the Government-General of Korea”, were officially published by each department. However, what the people of Chosun need not or should not know classified confidential and used internally. Its high ratio, however, is considered as one of the distinct features.