冶隱 吉再에 對한 歷代 讚詠詩 檢討(Ⅰ)

남재철(Nam Jae cheol,南在澈) 대동한문학회 2015 大東漢文學 Vol.42 No.-

'스콜라' 이용 시 소속기관이 구독 중이 아닌 경우, 오후 4시부터 익일 오전 7시까지 원문보기가 가능합니다.

본고는 15세기 前期 太宗朝 朝野 諸賢의 吉再 讚詠詩 작품을 중심으로 하여, 朝鮮朝 역대 제현의 吉再에 대한 讚詠詩 양상을 검토한 것이다. 太宗朝 조야 제현의 吉再 讚詠詩 창작은 경상도관찰사 南在의 주도 하에 이루어졌다. 즉 南在가 吉再의 臣節과 孝行을 칭송하는 讚詠詩 몇 수를 짓고, 權近 등을 비롯한 조야의 제현이 이에 화답하여 詩卷을 완성하게 된다. 현재 남아 있는 자료를 통해 살펴볼 때, 이 詩卷에는 南在, 權近을 위시한 30분가량의 작가들이 참여하여 총 53수의 讚詠詩를 남겨놓고 있다. 太宗朝에 이르러 南在, 權近 등이 앞장서고 조야 제현이 뒤를 이어 吉再 讚詠詩 창작에 나섰던 것은 일면 정치적 의도의 결과물로 볼 수 있다. 태종이 吉再에 대해 우호적 태도를 취하고 權近 등에 의해 吉再에 대한 국가 차원의 포상에 대한 필요성이 제기되면서도, 명분의 부족으로 인해 국가적 포상이 이루어지지 못하는 상황에서, 吉再에 대한 국가 차원의 포상을 이끌어 내기 위한 효과적 輿論 형성의 수단으로 吉再 讚詠詩 창작이 이루어졌던 것이다. This essay is to study on some panegyrical poems about Gil Jae created by men of distinction of many generations living in Joseon Dynasty era, focusing on some panegyrical poems about Gil Jae made by men of distinction both in and out of government in Taejong Era, the early 15th century. Some panegyrical poems about Gil Jae was written by men of distinction both in and out of government with the lead of Nam Jae, the governor of Gyeongsang Provinces in Taejong Era. In the process, Nam Jae made some works which eulogize the loyalty to his king and the filial piety towards his parents and then men of distinction both in and out of government including Kwon Geun finished the collection of poem following the creation of Nam Jae. Looking over the existing materials, I found that about 30 poets including Nam Jae and Kwon Geun participated in the creating the collection of poem and 53 panegyrical poems about Gil Jae remain today. It may be the result of political intention to men of distinction both in and out of government including Kwon Geun finished the collection of poem following the creation of Nam Jae. In that period, the king Taejong could not give Gil Jae the national accolade although the king had the amicable attitude toward Gil Jae and some people including Kwon Geun profound the need of national accolade. Some panegyrical poems about Gil Jae was created to make public opinion effectively with the intention to make Gil Jae national accolade.

Han’guk chǒrhak charyojip: Pulgyo p'yǒn I - Satnguk kwa t'ongil Silla ǔi pulgyo sasang (Sourcebook of Korean Philosophy: Buddhism of the Three Kingdoms and Unified Silla - Buddhism, Vol. 1) by Hur Nam-jin, Shim Jae-ryong, Choi Yu jin, Jeong Young-gun, Bang In, Park Hae-dang, Byun Hee-wook, and Park Jae-hyeon. Seoul: Seoul National University Press, 2005. 344pp. : Han'guk ch’ǒrbak charyojip: Pulgyo p'yǒn II - Koryo sidae ǔi pulgyo sasang (Sourcebook of Korean Philosophy: Buddhism of Koryǒ- Buddhism, Vol. 2)by Shim Jae-ryong, Suh Jung-hyung, Park Hae- dang, Kim Jung-hee, Byun Hee-wook, Park Jae-hyeon, and Kim Jong- myung. Seoul: Seoul National University Press, 2006. 322pp.

( Park Jae-hyeon ) 서울대학교 규장각한국학연구원 2007 Seoul journal of Korean studies Vol.20 No.2

전통사회와 왜래종교의 문화충돌

박재영(Park, Jae-young) 경주사학회 2012 경주사학 Vol.36 No.-

19세기 말 조선은 전국적으로 봉건지배체제에 항거하는 민란이 줄을 이어 발생했다. 이는 제주도에서도 마찬가지였으며, ‘이재수의 난’은 그 규모가 전례 없이 컸다는 점, 특히 천주교라는 외래종교와의 갈등에서 비롯되었다는 점이 특이하다. 1901년 일어난 ‘속측의 난’은 정부의 조세수탈, 천주교의 교세확장과 이에 따른 폐단 등이 원인이 되어 일어났기 때문이다. 필자가 제기하고자 하는 의문은 어떻게 ‘이재수의 난’이라는 하나의 사건이 다양한 명칭으로 불려 질 수밖에 없고, 연구자의 시각도 현저한 차이가 날 수 밖에 없는가 하는 점이었다. 그러한 인식을 바탕으로, 필자는 역사적 사건으로서의 ‘이재수의 난’을 전통사회와 외래종교의 문화충돌이라는 측면에서 재구성 하였으며, 현기영의 역사소설 『변방에 우짖는 새』와 이 소설을 원작으로 제작된 영화 〈이재수의 난〉에 묘사된 이 사건에 대한 작가와 감독의 해석을 살펴보고, 끝으로 1901년에 발생했던 ‘이재수의 난’이 오늘날 한국 사회에 시사하는 바가 무엇인지를 살펴보고자 하였다. In Chosun, the end of the 19th century, Uprisings against the feudal ruling system throughout the country are followed. Jeju Island was even. The scale of ‘the riot of Lee Jae-Soo’ was unprecedented, and the riot was especially very unique why the conflict came up with the Catholic as a foreign religion. Because ‘the riot of Lee Jae-Soo’ in 1901 was happened government’s tax exploitation and abuses consequent on the expansion of the Catholic Church. I wish to raise the question of how ‘the riot of Lee Jae-Soo’ must be called various names and visual points of Researchers had a lot of difference. On the basis of such recognition, first, I reconstructed ‘the riot of Lee Jae-Soo’ as a point of a Clash of Cultures bet ween Traditional Society and Foreign Religion. And Second, I observed this event through viewpoints of the writer, Hyun Gye- Young’s novel ‘The crying bird at the frontier’. and the director of the film ‘the riot of Lee Jae-Soo’, Third, what ‘the riot of Lee Jae-Soo’ that happened hundred years ago means of these days.

야은(冶隱) 길재(吉再)에 대(對)한 력대(歷代) 찬영시(讚詠詩) 검토(檢討)(Ⅲ) -숙종(肅宗) 어제시(御製詩) 및 갱진(?進)·차운시(次韻詩) 중심(中心)으로-

남재철 ( Nam Jae-cheol ) 근역한문학회 2016 漢文學論集 Vol.45 No.-

본고는 15세기 전기 태종조 조야 제현의 야은 찬영시 및 15세기 후기에서 17세기 전기 사이 야은 유적지 방문 사림들의 야은 찬영시에 대한 검토에 이어, 국왕의 입장에서 야은의 충절이 크게 추숭되었던 17세기 말엽 이후의 야은 찬영시의 양상에 대해 검토한 것이다. 국왕의 주도 하에 이루어진 야은 찬영시 창작은 18세기 초기 숙종에 의해 시작되었다는 점을 밝히면서, 먼저 숙종 어제 야은 찬영시의 존재 양상과 그 의미에 대해 살펴보았다. 이어 숙종 어제시에 대한 당대 신하들의 갱진시 및 후대에 산출된 차운시의 양상에 대해서도 살펴보았다. 야은의 절의가, 야은 생전의 양촌의 기록 및 야은 사후 국가적 추숭의 결과물인 『삼강행실도』의 내용에서는 주로 백이·숙제와 같은 불사이군의 충절의 측면에서 강조되어 왔는데, 숙종의 어제시에서는 공명에 아무런 욕심이 없는 엄광과도 같은 은사의 청아한 풍도의 측면에서 강조되고 있다. 국왕의 입장에서 야은의 청아한 은사로서의 절의를 새롭게 부각시켜 칭송함으로써, 벼슬에서 밀려나 은거하고 있거나 은거할게 될지도 모르는 당대 사대부들의 삶에 대해서도 긍정적인 의미를 적극 부여해줌으로써 그들의 충성심을 고취시키고자 하였던 것으로 보인다. 숙종의 어제시에 대해 명곡과 동강은 갱진시를 통해서 자신들을 비롯한 당대 및 후대의 모든 사대부들이 태종·세종·숙종 등의 임금이 야은의 은사로서의 맑은 절의를 포상해준 사실을 듣고서 은사로서의 절의를 절로 흥기하게 될 것이라고 화답하고 있다. 후대에는 순조와 역천, 사미헌과 한주가 숙종 어제시에 차운시로 화답하였다. 숙종·순조, 명곡·동강은 야은의 은사로서의 측면에 주목하고 있는데, 역천·사미헌·한주는 야은의 백이·숙제에 비견되는 불사이군의 충신으로서의 측면에 다시 주목하고 있다. 숙종·순조, 명곡·동강은 국왕 또는 조정의 관료이지만, 역천·사미헌·한주는 재야의 학자라는 점이 이러한 차이를 가져온 것으로 추정이 된다. This essay is to study on some panegyrical poems about Yaeun Gil Jae created by other persons from the late 17th century when the loyalty of Yaeun Gil Jae was eulogized by the lead of a sovereign ruler. At first I examined the aspect and meaning of panegyrical poems made by King Sukjong in 1707, the early of 18th century. In the earlier records of Joseon Dynasty in the 15th century, the fidelity of Gil Jae was emphasized in the aspect of Baeki and Sukje, the loyal brothers of Chinese lore, refusing to serve two dynasties. On the other hands, in the panegyrical poems by King Sukjong, the integrity spirit of Gil Jae was emphasized in the aspect of elegant attitude of a recluse, Eomgwang who was a representative recluse in Chinese history and was disinterested in a successful career. And then I studied the aspect and meaning of panegyrical poems made by high-ranking official, Myeonggok Choe Seokjjeong and Donggang Cho Sangwoo who composed a verse in response to Sukjong`s poems following the rhymes of Sukjong in the same generation and the responding poetry which was created by King Sunjo, Yeokcheon Song Myeongheum, Samyhun Jang Bokchu and Hanju Lee Jinsang in the later generations. They pledged themselves to practice the integrity spirit of recluse influenced by the fact that some kings including Sukjong eulogized Yaeun Gil Jae.

고려전기 재추(宰樞)의 출신과 국정회의에서의 위상

박재우 ( Jae Woo Park ) 연세대학교 국학연구원 2015 동방학지 Vol.0 No.172

'스콜라' 이용 시 소속기관이 구독 중이 아닌 경우, 오후 4시부터 익일 오전 7시까지 원문보기가 가능합니다.

고려 정치제도사 연구는 고려를 귀족사회로보는 관점에서 연구를 진행해 왔고, 그래서 재추가 귀족의 대표적 존재이며 그들이 정치를 이끌어 갔으므로 왕권이 제약을 받았다고 이해해 왔다. 본 연구는 이러한 견해를 검토하려는 것이다. 고려의 재추는 중서문하성의 재신과 중추원의 추밀은 말한다. 그러므로 재신은 중서문하성의 관료로서, 추밀은 중추원의 관료로서 각각 독자적으로 업무를 수행하였다. 하지만 이들은 고려 관료제도에서 지위가 가장 높았으므로 議政에서 함께 활동할 여지가 있었다. 처음에는 재신과 추밀이 각각 議政에 참여하였으나 예종대부터 둘이 합쳐 재추로서 議政에 참여하였다. 이렇게 되면서 재추는 兩府, 大臣, 재상으로 불리면서 국정운영에서 비중이 더욱 높아졌다. 이러한 재추는 귀족의 대표적 존재로 알려져있으나 실제는 그렇지 않았다. 귀족은 신분적 혈연적으로 배타적 특권을 세습하면서 군주의 권력이나 관료제적 질서로부터 자율적인 위상을 구축하고 있는 존재이다. 그런데 골품제가 몰락한 이후에 성립한 고려에는 그러한 특권층이 없었다. 이른바 고려 귀족의 특권은 모두 관료로서 받는 특권이었고, 그러한 관료의 특권을 활용하여 누대에 걸쳐 재추를 배출하면 문벌이 되었다. 고려전기의 재추는 가계 내에서 본인이 처음으로 재추가 된 경우가 많았다. 그래서 국정회의에서 문벌출신 재추의 입장이 일방적으로 관철되지 못했다. 본인을 포함하여 2명 이상의 재추를 배출한 경우는 문벌의 영향력이 커지는 예종~의 종대에 숫자가 늘어났으나 그들이 국정회의를 주도한 것은 아니었다. 고려전기의 국정회의에는 재신회의, 輔臣회의, 式目都監使가 참여하는 회의, 群臣회의와 예종 이후에 생겨난 재추회의가 있었다. 이들 회의에서 재추가 문벌출신이라는 이유만으로 논의를 주도하고 그로 인해 국왕의 최종 결정권이 제약되는 경우는 없었다. 이러한 점은 예종 이후의 회의에서도 마찬가지였다. 그러므로 고려전기에 재추가 귀족의 대표적 존재이며 그들이 정치를 이끌었으므로 왕권이 제약을 받았다는 견해는 받아들이기 어렵다. Studies of Goryeo political institutions have held that aristocratic Jae/Chu (宰 樞) figures were at the helm of the nation``s general governance and seriously restricted the king``s leadership and power. This study examines the validity of this theory. Historically, aristocratic figures have usually held exclusive privileges according to their social rank and bloodline. Yet Goryeo featured no such privileged class. The ruling classes’ rights were bestowed upon them as vassals of the king, and they became Munbeol houses after producing prominent officials for several generations. In the first half of the Goryeo period, Jae/Chu figures`` voices carried a very limited amount of weight in official gatherings. Even in the middle of the Goryeo period, which witnessed the advent of several powerful Munbeol houses that produced more than a few Jae/Chu figures, their voices were still not strong enough to allow them to dominate the gatherings for discussions of dynastic governance. There was no instance of Jae/Chu figures being able to lead the discussions solely for being from Munbeol houses and restricting the king``s ultimate authority to issue a final decision. The situation was the same in the following years. The previous theory therefore needs to be reconsidered.

박재삼의 시에 나타난 가난 인식 고찰

맹문재(Maeng, Mun-jae) 한국비평문학회 2013 批評文學 Vol.- No.48

이 논문은 박재삼의 시에 나타난 가난 인식을 그의 어머니와 아버지, 형과 두 누이동생, 아내와 아이들 등의 가족을 통해 살펴본 것이다. 가족을 사회를 구성하는 기본 단위로 전제하고 그의 가난 문제를 고찰한 것이다. 지금까지 박재삼의 시 세계에 대한 지배적인 평가는 한(恨)의 정서를 바탕으로 전통적인 서정시를 계승시켰다는 것이다. 시인이 자연과 인간 세계의 면들을 아름답고도 섬세한 시어와 운율로써 그려냈다는 것이다. 그리하여 그의 시 세계에 대한 연구는 주로 작품의 운율, 이미지, 문체, 상징, 사랑, 죽음 등에 대해서였다. 그렇지만 박재삼의 시 세계를 전통 서정시의 영역으로 국한시킨 것은 바람직하지 않다. 그의 시작품 전체가 아니라 부분적인 면만을 고찰했기 때문이다. 그러므로 그의 시 세계에서 사회의식이 없다거나 심지어 반사회적이라고 평가한 것은 재고되어야 한다. 이 논문에서는 기존의 연구들을 극복하기 위해 박재삼의 전체 작품을 대상으로 삼고, 그의 시 세계에 나타난 가난의 문제를 현실 인식 차원에서 조명했다. 박재삼의 가난 인식은 격동적인 한국의 현대사가 요구한 기준에 비추어보면 다소 약하다고 볼 수 있지만, 그 나름대로 사회 인식을 갖는 것으로 새롭게 조명할 필요가 있는 것이다. Park Jae-Sam is a well known poet, but he has lived in poverty through his lifetime. This is deeply due to the situation of his hometown, Samchoenpo, where he spent his childhood. Furthermore he has suffered from severe pains and diseases because of his high blood pressure, which made him become to have a desperate and alienated character. Being written from these painful experiences, his poems are full of sorrow and sadness towards life. Nevertheless, he tries to overcome all of these pains and sadness through his will to write poems. Park Jae-Sam is valued as a poet who succeed lyricism of Korean tradition poems. But this paper aims at the studying on social consciousness of Park, Jae―Sam’s poems. In order to this purpose, this article is concentrated on analysis of poverty consciousness resulted from the poor state of family members, including his mother and father, an older brother and two sisters, and his wife and sons as well as daughters. This article considers his whole poetic books and his whole essay books from the First Poetic Book, 「Choonhyangee’s mind」 (1962) to 15th Poetic Book 「Again to yearning」(1996) including the First Essay Book, 「Beautiful tales by sadness」(1977) to the 7th Essay Book, 「A beautiful present other name」(1994). After this last book, he passed away in 1997. In 1950s, when he started his career as a poet, this nation was desolated and disordered and poor because of the Korean War. A great number of contemporary poets wrote both lyric and modernistic poems. After the 4·19 Revolution(1960) and the 5·16 Military Coup(1961) cast the nation into confusion, a lot of poets also wrote both kind of poems. But after the 1970s and 1980s, many contemporary poets wrote poems on people and labour with the hope of achieving the political democratization and economic development. Nevertheless, this poet, Park Jae-Sam, consistently had been written lyric poems. His concern for the social circumstances is expressed with his poverty consciousness.

眞一齋의 思想과 學問

李鑛宰 순천대학교 사회과학연구소 1992 社會科學硏究 Vol.4 No.-

Jin Il-Jae Yoo Soong-Jo(1452-1512) was The first Neoconfuciant Who tried to Apply the "song-li-hak", Which is the Chinese dualistic Philosophy, to the Political Principles of the Yi dynasty in the 16th century. But there has not been much studies about how he lived and what Kind of ideas he hand as a Neo-Confucinist and bureaucrat serving the Seven Kings From king Moon-Jong to king Joong-Jong especially during the politically changeable period of the yi dynasty. Accordingly the presnt Inesis is an attempt to see into Jin Il Jae's life and aims basically of elucidating his phiosophy in lerms of his Neo-confucianism. What the writer has found out in this paper can he summarized as follows. Ⅰ. Jin Il-Jae lived aclean life as a bureaucrat and belived that politics should be based on confucianism. But he did not look upon the "Sung-li-hak" merely as a Political method but a target of his study. Ⅱ. Jin Il-Jae belived that the univers was based on Ki(energy) not "yi(principle)". Ⅲ. Jin Il-Jae asserted that a Politician should be able to mange his household well before governing a country this was his applied philosophy.

채제공 「정원록」 연구

이승재 ( Lee Seung-jae ) 근역한문학회 2018 漢文學論集 Vol.50 No.-

미적인 중국 강남의 문인 문화가 본격적으로 성행하여 문인들끼리 시사(詩社) 활동이 활발하게 이루어졌다. 각 당파별 시사 중 남인 시사는 채팽윤의 동벽단(東壁壇) 시사와 이중환의 연사(蓮社)가 있었고 그 뒤를 이어 채제공이 남인의 영수로서 여러 차례 시사를 주관하며 18세기 남인 시사의 명맥을 이어나갔다. 그의 시사 중 정원록(貞元錄) 은 영조 49년에 결성한 중 종남사(終南社)의 내용을 담고 있다. 그는 이 시사에 각별한 의미를 두어 나중에 서문을 남겼고 여기에 구성원의 참석 여부 등을 자세히 기록하였는데 이는 전후 남인 시사의 흐름을 살피는 단서가 된다. 또한 이전 풍단 시사 때는 볼 수 없었던 면학을 강조하는 시들을 여러 편 지어, 이것이 특수한 목적을 가지고 모인 시사임을 드러내었다. 이후 시사에 참석한 이들 중 6명이나 몇 년 안에 과거에 급제하는 상당한 쾌거를 거두었다. 종남사는 채제공이 남인들의 결속과 관로 진출을 위해 시사를 활용했음을 잘 보여주는 예라고 하겠다. In the 18th century Seoul was becoming a modern city and an unworldly and aesthetic Chinese culture was prevalent, so it was popular for the nobility to get together to write poems. Among each political assembly, one of the Southerners, Jae-Gong Chae led a group of poetry writers several times. Jungwonrok consists of poems written by Jong-Nam Assembly, which lasted from fall to winter in 1773. The gathering was special to Jae-Gong Chae, so he left a prologue later with details of the attendance of the members, and this was evidence showing the changes of the character of the assembly. Also, several poems focusing on learning were written by Jong-Nam Assembly which couldn't be found previously, and this showed that Jong-Nam Assembly was the gathering to write poems with a special purpose. Six of the members passed a state examination within a few years after joining Jong-Nam Assembly and this result was a significant achievement. Jong-Nam Assembly was a good example of Jae-Gong Chae using the gathering as a tool for Southerners' solidarity and entering politics.

麗末三隱에 對한 考察

李在春 우리말글학회 2000 우리말 글 Vol.19 No.-

I have raised an issue on the identity of the three leading scholars and writers at the end of the Koryo Dynasty and examined the requirements and qualifications of the Sam-Eun. The Sam-Eun of the end of the Koryo Dynasty is the honorable eulogy for three scholars and writers-Mok-Eun Saek Lee, Po-Eun Mongju Jeong, and Do-Eun SungIn Lee-Who were excellent in the three fields of literary art, study of morality, and loyalty at end of the Koryo Dynasty. So far we have not reached an agreement about the identity of the Sam-Eun : One view of this issue has argued that the abovementioned three scholars are the members of the Sam-Eun, but another view has contended that Ya-Eun Jae Gil, instead of Do-Eun SungIn Lee, is one of the Sam-Eun. However, it is well known that Ya-Eun Jae Gil was unable to compete with above three scholars in the fields of literary art, study of morality, and loyalty, was not as high as the abovementioned three scholars in the government post, and was much younger than the abovementioned three scholars. Accordingly I believe that the latter view was misled by both the fact that the disciples and followers of Ya-Eun Jae Gil established the Sarim-Pa(Confucians school)in the Sam-Eun-Gak(three hermits tower) located in Dong-Hak-Sa Temple Kyung-Sang-Do Region in the Chosun Dynasty, and the epitaph of which is not so much reliable. It is since the end of Koryo Dynasty that Mok-Eun, Po-Eun, and Do-Eun have been named as the members of the Sam-Eun. The book named as Po-Eun-Jae-Gi(Po-Eun's house record) writed by Saek Lee in 1379 is discussing only three eminent scholars, I,e., Mok-Eun, Po-Eun, and Do-Eun, among many scholars who had Eun as their pennames. Thus, I think these three scholars have been verbally called as the Sam-Eun by the public since around 1379. However, the name of Sam-Eun was shown in writing for the first time in the collection of works of Dun-Chon Jip Lee. In this collection, there is a paragraph that the poetry and prose of Sam-Eun, I,e., Mok-Eun, Po-Eun, and Do-eun have been published while those of Dun-Chon have not been published. In the appendix of the collection, furthermore, Mok-Eun, Po-Eun, and Do-Eun were specifically named as the members of Sam-Eun who are famous for the poetry and knowledge in those days, and Ya-Eun was named merely as a member of nine preeminence. With these materials, we can understand that Ya-eun cannot be compared with the members of Sam-Eun in any fields of literary art, study of morality, and loyalty. Therefore, I believe that only Mok-Eun, Po-Eun, and Do-Eun who are exceptional in the fields of literary art, study of morality, and loyalty, and died for Koryo Dynasty can be designated as the members of Sam-Eun. Although Jae Gil became famous by the efforts of his disciples and followers in the later days, he cannot be substituted as a member of the Sam-Eun, and should be recognized only as a member of so-called 'Sam-Eun of Dong-HAK-Sa Temple' who are enshrined in the Sam-Eun-Gak of the Dong-Hak-Sa Temple.

고려전기 대간의 운영 방식

박재우(Park, Jae-woo) 한국역사연구회 2012 역사와 현실 Vol.- No.86

In the Goryeo period, the institution of remonstration officers(Daegan 臺諫) were developed. The Daegwan(臺官) and Gangwan(諫官) monitored the behaviors of the king and the subjects, and were closely tied to each other, sharing some of their respective functions. But the Daegwan and Gangwan were also independent from each other. Either the Eosa-dae(御史臺) or the individual Daegwan performed their duties independently, and while sharing some of the functions of the Gangwan, they usually operated on their own. In the meantime, the Gangwan were part of the Secretariat-Chancellery(Jungseo Munha-seong 中書門下省), along with the Jaesin(宰臣) ministers. So, affiliated offices or Jaesin ministers led the Gangwan. But after king Sukjong s reign, the official body of the Gangwan came to be called as Ganweon(諫院), and they operated apart from the Jaesin ministers. This fashion of operation was modeled after the Dang and Song institutions, and as a result the level of the Gangwan independent nature was relatively heightened. The Gangwan conducted their own functions, and while sometimes sharing the functions of the Daegwan, they performed their own duties alone. The Daegwan and Gangwan combined into the Daegan in king Yejong. They together were asked about the state affairs and performed their duties, remonstrated in front of Hapmoon(閤門). So the institution of remonstration officers was operated briskly. The king Yejong combined the Jaesin and the Chumil(樞密) into the Jae-Chu to ask the problems of the Jurchen and made the Daegan to check the Jae-Chu. Thus He strengthened royal authority. Since then the Jae-Chu and the Daegan were more active.