단일 전력량계 활용 다수고객 전력사용량 계량 기술 개발

조인수,Cho, Insoo 한국전력공사 2021 KEPCO Journal on electric power and energy Vol.7 No.2

기존 3 상 전력량계(G-type) 1 대로 단상 3 호 고객 계량이 가능한 소프트웨어 기술 구현 【BIXPO 2020 발명특허대전 대상 수상】

준실시간 초고정밀 GNSS 관측데이터 연속처리 시스템 개념설계

조인수(Cho, Insoo),이흥규(Lee, Hungkyu) 한국측량학회 2015 한국측량학회 학술대회자료집 Vol.2015 No.4

미술사에서의 독창성

조인수(Cho, Insoo) 한국미술사교육학회 2014 美術史學 Vol.- No.28

미술사 연구에서 “독창성(originality)”은 오랫동안 중요한 문제로 여겨져왔다. 예술의 독창성에 대한 이론적 탐구는 미술사 보다는 미학에서 주로 이루어졌다. 미학에서 독창성은 창의성(creativity)과 더불어 예술의 기본 특성으로 간주되기에 이에 대한 철학적이고 인식론적 접근이 시도되었다. 반면 미술사에서는 이를 본격적으로 다루기보다는 역사 속에서 구체적인 사례를 연구하면서 개별 작가나 작품에 대하여 독창성을 언급하는 방식이었다. 이 글에서는 서양과 동양의 미술사에서 독창성이란 문제가 어떻게 다루어졌는지를 비교해 보고, 현재 전개되고 있는 미술의 경우를 예로 들면서 독창성이 어떤 의미를 지니는 지를 살펴본다. 미술에서 완전한 새로움을 기대하는 것은 모더니즘의 유산인데, 이를 다시 생각해 보는 것은 중요한 의미를 지닌다. 서양 고대인들에게 예술은 창조성과는 거리가 먼 것이었다. 예술가는 아름다움을 만들어 내는 것이 아니라 발견해 내는 역할을 담당하는 것이었다. 따라서 모방을 뜻하는 그리스어 “미메시스”는 오랫동안 중요한 개념이 되었다. 중세에는 무(無)의 상태에서 유(有)를 만들어내는 창조란 것은 신의 영역에 속하는 것을 가리키게 되었고, 인간에게는 해당되지 않는 것이었다. 이렇게 미술가는 창조하는 것이 아니라 모방하는 것이라는 관점은 르네상스 시대에도 지속되었고, 모방이론의 중요성은 정점에 도달했다. 창조와 독창성에 대한 인식의 변화는 낭만주의가 본격적으로 등장한 19세기에 이루어졌다. 고전주의와 달리 낭만주의는 기계적 모방에 의한 복제를 낮게 평가했고, 예술을 단순한 모방을 넘어서는 창조라고 인식하기 시작했다. 낭만주의에서는 자아만이 독창성의 근원이 된다. 낭만주의와 마찬가지로 모더니즘 역시 이미 존재하고 있는 관습을 반복하지 않고, 기존 위계질서를 전복시키려고 한다. 서양 미술의 사례를 통해서 살펴보았을 때 독창성이란 사회적으로 구성되는 것이라고 할 수 있다. 사회적, 문화적, 경제적, 제도적, 역사적, 성적 조건에 따라 독창성을 다르게 규정할 수 있는 것이다. 한편 동양의 고대 화론을 살펴보면 독창성과 관련하여 지속적으로 논의해 왔음을 발견할 수 있다. 처음에 중요했던 것은 “일격(逸格)”이라는 개념이다. 신품(神品), 묘품(妙品), 능품(能品)으로 그림의 품격을 나누었고, 그 밖에 통상적인 법에 구애받지 않는 것으로서 일격을 두었다. 창의적이고 독창적인 요소를 별개의 범주로 구분한 것이다. 이후에 독창성에 해당하는 용어로 많이 사용된 것은 낯설다는 “괴(怪)”, 다르다는 “이(異)”, 기묘하다는 “기(奇)” 등이 있다. 특히 명말청초에 해당하는 17세기에는 기(奇)가 많이 사용되었다. 기(奇)는 기존의 분류에 속하지 않고, 이전과는 확연하게 다르며, 화가 자신만의 특징을 갖추고 있다는 의미로 쓰였음을 알 수 있다. 동기창(董其昌, 1555-1636)은 “정(正)”과 대비되는 것으로 “기(奇)”를 중요시했고, 기묘함의 예술적 가치에 대하여 긍정적이었다. 조선에서도 강세황(姜世晃, 1712-1791)이나 김정희(金正喜, 1786-1856)의 경우에 “기(奇)”를 강조했다. 21세기에 독창성의 문제를 다시 생각해 보게 만드는 좋은 사례를 중국선전(深?)의 다펀유화촌(大芬油畵村)에서 찾아 볼 수 있다. 이곳에서는 연간 500만점 이상의 유화를 제작하여 수출하고 있다. 대부분이 서양미술사에서 유명한 작품들의 복제화로서 다펀유화촌의 사례는 독창성에 대한 오래된 고정관념을 깨준다. In the field of art history, “originality” has long been an important issue. A theoretical examination of the creativity of art has been taken mainly in aesthetics rather than in art history. Aestheticians considered originality together with creativity as the basic characteristics of art, and they attempted philosophical and epistemological approach. On the contrary, art historians have tried to explain specific cases about the originality of the individual artists and artworks. Searching for the newness in art is a crucial feature of modernism, and it is a significant task to rethink the myth of originality. This article based on a comparative point of view explores how the East and the West deal with the issue of originality in art history. The ancient Western people considered that art has nothing to do with creativity because they believed that artists are not to create but to find beauty. “Mimesis” meaning imitation in Greek was an important concept for a long time. In the Middle Ages, people believed that the creation which means making something from nothing is the realm of God. The idea that artists’ mission is not creating but imitating continued in the Renaissance period. The perception of originality and creativity began to change with the emergence of Romanticism in the 19th century. Unlike Classicism, Romanticism devaluated a mechanical imitation as replication and recognized art as creation beyond mere imitation. Only the self is the source of creativity in Romanticism. Likewise, Modernism also refused customary repetition and tried to overthrow the hierarchy of art. The thorough examination of the ancient East Asian art theory reveals that the concept of originality has a long tradition. In the early period, the term of “untrammeled (yil 逸格)” played an important role in the discourse of originality. The categories of inspired (sin 神品), excellent (myo 妙品) and capable (n?ng 能品) are established. Beside them, the “untrammeled” is listed. It is not placed blow but considered as an independent category with its creative and innovative elements. In the later periods, originality is used in several different words that are “strange (koe 怪)”, “uncommon (yi 異)”, “original (ki 奇)” and so on. In the 17th century, ki (Ch. qi 奇) gained popularity. Ki does not belong to the traditional classification and means evidently different with its own sense of strangeness. Dong Qichang (董其昌, 1555-1636) highly valued ki as contrasted with “proper (Ch?ng 正).” To him, ki was positive about the artistic creation. Korean literati painters, such as Kang Se-hwang (姜世晃, 1712-1791) and Kim Ch?ng-h?i (金正喜, 1786-1856), also emphasized ki. In the 21st century, Dafen Oil Painting Village in Shenzhen becomes a good case to think of originality. Most of the famous works of Western art history are copied here and exported to all over the world. More than five million paintings are produced every year. The Dafen case raises many important questions for creativity and breaks old stereotypes of copying. From the above examples, it is clear that creativity is being socially constructed, and originality is defined differently according to the prescribed social, cultural, institutional and gender conditions.

도교 신선화의 도상적 기능

조인수(Cho Insoo),박은순(토론자) 한국미술사교육학회 2001 美術史學 Vol.15 No.-

In the traditional society in China, Daoist Immortals can not be considered only as the product of people's religious ambition and imagination It was believed that Daoist Immortals existed in reality and contacted people. The icons of these immortals in the form of sculpture or paintings were not only the representation of them but also the vessel of immortals themselves or their supernatural power. This kind of sacred images should be studied by the investigation of their meaning and function rather than by the examination of their aesthetic value and formal expression. Like other religious arts, Daoist art has long history of making divine images and worshiping them. Those are not only Daoist gods such as Laozi(老子), Sanqing(三淸), Sanguan(三官), Yuanshitianzun(元始天尊) and Yuhuangshangdi(玉皇上帝) but also popular gods which gradually joined Daoist pantheon. Besides these gods, there are Immortals in Daoism. These Immortals are not transcendent gods but historical figures who obtained eternal longevity through hard practice. The cult of Daoist Immortals already prevailed in the Tang Dynasty and became much more popular during the Five Dynasties period. In the extant records, there existed many pictorial representation of Daoist gods from the Five Dynasties period. Also some of bijishaosuo(筆記小說) or note-form literature contain short records on the function of these images such as preventing earthquake, curing disease and using various magics by making and viewing the images. However, there remain few records about the iconic function of Daoist Immortals. There are several paintings which indicates the iconic function of Daoist Immortals images. In the painting of 〈Immortals Beneath Pine〉 by Yu Ling in the Ming period, several Immortals look at a scroll which depicts an immortal. They do not appreciate it as an art object but admire it as a sacred image. 〈Liberating the Soul from the Netherworld〉 by Southern Song painter Liang Kai depictes a scene of making a painting and a sculpture in a Daoist temple in the purpose of accumulating merits. In 〈Expelling Evil Demons from the House〉 by anonymous Ming painter, village people are surprised by an image of Zhonggui which are using by a demon queller. The image of Zhonggui became very popular as a new - year's picture for expelling devil spirit. One scene from 『The Plum in the Golden Vase』 shows Daoist ritual ceremony, and there is a folding screen of Eight Immortals. 〈Qingming Festival〉 attributed to Qiu Ying has several details: a scroll of Fuxi(伏羲) at a fortuneteller shop, a scroll of an immortal riding a tiger at hospitals and statues at a craftsmen studio. These examples illustrate the function of the icon of Daoist Immortals which was considered to possess mystical power and to be a part of religious ritual. In these cases, Daoist Immortals were shown as large figures often without background in order to express iconic impression distinctively. In later period, however, religious function of Daoist Immortal icons changed into secular function as symbols of longevity and fortune along with the secularization of the cult of Daoist Immortals.

조선시대 왕릉의 현상과 특징

조인수(Cho Insoo) 한국미술사학회 2009 美術史學硏究 Vol.262 No.262

중국 원명대의 사회변동과 도교 신선도

조인수(Cho Insoo) 한국미술사교육학회 2009 美術史學 Vol.23 No.-

역사적 상황에 따라 종교 미술 역시 종종 변화가 일어난다. 이 논문에서는 원대와 명대에 사회 변동과 더불어 道釋畵의 중요한 부분을 차지하는 神仙圖가 어떻게 바뀌는지를 살펴본다. 특히 사회의 변동과 더불어 전개되는 道敎의 신앙적 변화가 신선도의 변모와 어떤 관계가 있는지를 밝히고, 도상과 양식의 측면에서는 어떻게 나타나는지 분석한다. 신선도가 언제부터 그려졌는지는 정확하게 알 수 없지만 도석화가 크게 발달한 唐代에 이미 존재하였을 가능성이 크다. ?宣和畵譜? 같은 송대의 문헌에 도교 신선도가 많이 언급되어 있으며 五代부터의 신선도가 많이 그려졌음이 확인된다. 이후 宋元代에 全眞敎의 흥성과 더불어 신선도는 크게 발달하였다. 전진교는 원대에 가장 유력한 도교 종파로 크게 유행하였으며 중국 도교사에서 전대미문을 발전을 이루었다. 원대 도석화의 대표적 작가인 顔輝는 외부의 힘에 기대지 않고 자기 수양만을 통해서 득도할 것을 주장하는 전진교의 교리를〈劉海蟾圖〉와〈李鐵拐圖〉를 통하여 표현하였다. 그밖에 현재 남아있는 원대의 신선도를 살펴보면 심각한 모습의 신선이 엄숙하고 신비한 분위기를 띠며 등장하면서 종교적 기능 및 상징성과 밀접하게 연관되어 있다. 이러한 도상의 근원은 水月觀音이나 羅漢圖와 같은 불교 회화에서 찾을 수 있다. 실제로 당시 직업화가들은 도교와 불교 주제의 회화를 모두 그리는 것이 일반적이었으며 도석화라는 용어 역시 이를 반영한 것이다. 한편 明을 세운 太祖 朱元璋은 폭압적 정치를 펼쳐서 종교 탄압과 경제쇠퇴를 일시적으로 가져왔다. 자신은 白蓮敎를 따랐지만 황제로 즉위한 후에는 입장을 바꾸어 민간 신앙을 淫祠로 규정하여 배척하였다. 정치, 사회, 사상, 종교의 여러 측면에서 專制政治를 실행하면서 도교를 비롯한 종교 활동은 위축될 수밖에 없었다. 이렇게 明代에는 정치적 압제로 인하여 종교는 오히려 세속화되었다. 이로써 신선 도상으로 명대에 탈종교화되면서 길상적 상징으로 바뀌었다. 明代 前半期에는 궁정의 후원을 받으면서 신선도는 새로운 면모를 보여주었는데, 15세기 중엽에 활약한 劉俊은 명대 신선도의 새로운 변화를 주도했던 화가로 추정된다. 명대의 신선도는 祈福과 長壽의 세속적인 염원과 결합되면서 실용적이고 장식적인 기능이 부각되었고, 신선의 모습도 변화하여 쾌활하고 일상적인 면모를 보여준다. 현재 남아 있는 신선도에서 이러한 변화를 뚜렷하게 확인할 수 있으며, 이후 상품경제의 확산과 더불어 신선도는 더욱 더 財福과 祝壽를 기원하는 세속적인 성격을 전면에 드러낸다. 明代 後半期에는 사회 전면에 두드러졌던 상업 발달의 추세를 반영하여 신선도는 도교의 영역을 넘어서서 민간신앙의 측면에서 널리 수용되었다. When a society changes, religious art often becomes different. This article examines the transformation of images of Daoist immortals during the Yuan and Ming dynasties in China. It discusses the relation between religious changes in Daoism and the stylistic and iconographic changes in Daoist immortal images. The Daoist immortals have long been extremely popular motifs in Chinese painting. Pictures of immortal began to appear at least as early as Tang dynasty. In the imperial catalogue of painting Xuanhe huapu provides us with the names of many important painters who depicted Daoist immortals and the titles of their works portraying specific Daoist immortals. During the Song and Yuan period, along with the development of the Quanzhen school, many famous painters depicted various Daoist immortals. In the Yuan dynasty, Yan Hui's introspective images of Liu Haichan and Li Tieguai represent ideal immortals, who practiced Daosim, gained enlightenment, and saved ordinary people and might be interpreted as an expression of their devotion to the doctrines of Quanzhen Daoism, such as self-purification and self-sacrifice. The Yuan images of Daoist immortals reveal an already fully developed iconography and a refined style and suggest existence of prototypes. Yuan figure painters, who usually depicted both Buddhist and Daoist themes, drew stylistic and iconographic traditions from Tang and Song predecessors, such as Wu Daozi, Ma Lin and Muqi. In the early Ming period, as the Quanzhen school and Daosim in general declined, images of Daoist immortals lost some of their religious significance. Instead of a representing immortals as heroic gods, early Ming court painters rendered immortals as cheerful eccentric figures in response to the wishes of their imperial patrons. The innovative images painted by Liu Jun played an important role in the Ming change of Daoist immortal's pictorial image. Departing from earlier rigid images, Liu Jun created cheerful figure with realistically described narratives. Once removed from the religious Daoist context, the religious significance of immortal images was replaced by auspicious symbolism. In response to the concerns of an increasingly commercial society, Daoist immortals became gods of fortune and secularized in popular belief in the late Mind period.

전통과 권위의 표상 : 高宗代의 太祖 御眞과 眞殿

趙仁秀(Cho Insoo) 미술사연구회 2006 미술사연구 Vol.- No.20

This article analyzes the political significance of the portrait and portrait hall of King Taejo during the reign of King Gojong(r.1863~1907). It examines what changes these works’ characteristics underwent in this period of politically rapid change, and what differences they had from those in previous periods. At the times of Gojong, the tradition of portrait painting and portrait hall of King Taejo had already been established. King Gojong, considering the new political situation, had to decide whether he should succeed the previous tradition, or abolish it. King Gojong, who had been enthroned in 1863, was not able to lead the political situation at the beginning. Behind King Gojong, Queen Dowager Sinjeong and Grand Prince Yi Ha’eung pursued policies for strengthening the King’s power and promoting the status of the royal family through various royal rituals. After his enthronement, King Gojong frequently visited tombs of previous kings including King Taejo. However, at that time, he did not pay much attention to Taejo, who had founded Joseon. Afterwards, there increasingly arose interest in Taejo, and then portraits of him came to be made in 1872. This had been executed in order to repair them with those portraits of Taejo placed in Yeonghi Hall and Gyeonggi Hall due to their weariness. The year of 1872 was the one falling under the eighth 60th birthday anniversary from the foundation of Joseon. The new portraits were made to commemorate this. It also was one of the reasons for the painting of the portraits that King Gojong tried to preserve the royal family by depending on the ancestors’ virtues as a prince died on the 4th day from his birth. Then, King Gojong escaped from the influence of his father Yi Ha’eung to lead the political situation for himself. After all, the production of Taejo’s portraits were fulfilled for political purposes. When Eulmi Incident broke out in 1895 in which Queen Myeongseong was killed by Japanese assassins, Gojong concealed himself into the Russian legation. When he returned to Gyeongun Palace in 1897, Gojong changed the name of the country from Joseon to the Great Daehan, and entitled himself Emperor. This was due to his intention to pursue modernization and strengthen his status as an absolute sovereign. Gojong enforced many policies to redeem the authority of the royal family. In 1899, he repaired the tomb of Yi Han, the founder of the royal Yi family, located in Mount Geonji, Jeonju, and then constructed Jogyeongdan altar. However, this tomb was only known to be Yi Han’s, but there had not been any concrete evidence. After all, Gojong tried to find out the orthodoxy of his enthronement as an emperor from his far ancestor. In 1900, Gojong again made another portrait of King Taejo. This time, he displayed the portrait in Seonwon Hall within the palace where the portraits of successive kings had been enshrined. He also restored Mokcheong Hall, a portrait hall for Taejo located in Gaeseong. Gojong had his portraits painted most actively among other kings of Joseon. He had done it in new ways using photographs and oil painting, and spread them through press. Though the production of Taejo’s portrait in 1872 promoted the status of Gojong as a king, it basically maintained the traditional functions of kings’ portraits following the convention of the past. However, the Great Daehan was proceeding in the direction of a modern state. Gojong paid enormous costs to repair the palace and previous kings’ tombs, and maintain luxurious ceremonies. This was a way to create a new tradition by using an old tradition, rather than to maintain previous traditions in an old way. The enterprise of the production of Taejo’s portrait and restoration of his portrait hall in 1900 was an example. Through this, Gojong tried not to seek the orthodoxy of the sovereign from transcendent and invisible traditions, but to create a dignified order of government through worldly and visible memories and monuments. Paradoxically, Gojong could not help making efforts to preserve the royal family, which supported his status of emperor, while founding a modern state. Due to this, modern reforms comprised with past traditions, and he tried to seek his authority and orthodoxy from monuments that showed cultural and historical successiveness. However, as such efforts did not fit to chaotic political situations at that time, the new traditions were not maintained and shortly disappeared.

GPS 중기선 동적 기선해석에 의한 지진 중 상시관측소 좌표시계열 분석

조인수(Cho, Insoo),함건우(Ham, Geunwoo),이흥규(Lee, Hungkyu) 한국측량학회 2016 한국측량학회 학술대회자료집 Vol.2016 No.4

조선시대 도교와 민간회화

조인수(Cho Insoo) 한국민화학회 2016 한국민화 Vol.- No.7

도교미술은 도교의 핵심 사상인 도(道)를 시각적, 물질적으로 표현하는 미술품과 도교의 종교의례에서 사용되는 물건을 포괄한다. 그러나 도교미술을 구체적으로 파악하는 것에는 어려움이 따른다. 오랫동안 불교미술에 비해 도교미술에 대한 관심이 현저히 낮았기 때문이다. 도교미술을 이야기하기 위해서는 문헌이 아니라 물건으로 도교 문화를 살펴보고, 의례(儀禮)를 중심으로 미술품의 중요성을 따져보는 것이 필요하다. 도교회화의 수량이 적게 느껴지는 또 다른 이유는 산수화나 화조화의 경우 도교적 성격이 짙더라도 도교회화로 여기지 않기 때문이다. 정밀하게 묘사한 화조화는 단순히 식물과 동물을 그린 것이 아니라 상서로운 징조를 드러내는 것이고, 기이할 정도로 웅대한 산수화는 주변의 일상적인 풍경이 아니라 이상적 선경을 나타내는 경우가 많다. 이런 그림을 도교회화라고 해야 할 것이다. 유교를 치국의 이념으로 하는 조선에서는 도교는 급격히 몰락하고 도교미술은 발달하지 못했다. 그러나 김명국, 김홍도, 심사정, 장승업 등 조선시대의 유명 화가들은 신선도를 많이 그렸다. 조선의 신선도가 중국의 경우처럼 종교적인 역할을 수행하고 신앙의 수단이었던 것은 아니다. 조선의 사대부들 사이에서 도가사상을 수용하고 신선에 대한 시(詩)를 창작하는 것이 널리 퍼졌던 만큼 신선사상이 유행하면서 신선도가 많이 그려진 것이다. 현재 전해지는 민간회화 중에서 신선이 등장하는 사례는 드물다. 반면 무신도(巫神圖)의 경우 도교회화에서 중요한 부분을 차지하는 신화(神畵)가 많다. 조선시대에는 도교회화가 공식적인 종교회화로서 발달하지 못한 채 무속의 영역에서 남게 된 셈이다. 이들 신화는 영험을 지닌 숭배의 대상이었기에 종교적 공간을 필요로 했고 세속적인 민간회화로서는 소비되기 어려웠다. 민간회화에서 도교회화가 적은 또 다른 이유는 감상용, 소장용이기보다는 벽사, 기복용이었기 때문에 한번 사용하고 폐기해 버린 탓이다. 민간회화의 범위를 넓힌다면 더 많은 도교회화를 찾아 낼 수 있을 것이다. 도교미술에서는 신비하고 형체가 없는 도를 시각적으로 표현하기 위해서 부적, 기호, 도해, 도형 등을 많이 사용했다. 따라서 도교회화를 이해하기 위해서는 기존의 회화 범주로만은 부족하고, 다양한 이미지를 포함시킬 필요가 있다. 이런 그림들은 대개 목판화로 인쇄되어 널리 사용되었기에 민간회화라 할 수 있다. 부적의 경우는 한 번 사용하고 불 태워 버리는 경우가 많으며, 은밀하게 주술적으로 이용하는 만큼 잘 드러나지 않고 남아 전하지도 않는다. 이런 종류의 물건을 도교회화로 간주하고 민간회화에 포함시켰을 때 조선시대 민간회화 속의 도교미술을 제대로 파악할 수 있을 것이다. Arts of Taoism embrace art works which express the Tao, the essential idea of Taoism, in visual and material medium, and objects used in the Taoist rituals. However, it is very difficult to grasp the arts of Taoism in concrete because the interest in the arts of Taoism was far behind to that in the arts of Buddhism. To discourse on the arts of Taoism, it is necessary to look at the Taoist culture not through the literature but through the things, and to estimate the importance of art works focusing on the rituals. Another reason why there seems to be less amount of Taoist paintings is that most of the landscape and flowers and birds are not regarded as Taoist paintings even though they have distinctive Taoist characteristics. The finely depicting paintings of the flowers and birds are not just describing plants and animals but uncovering auspicious signs, and the paintings of mysterious grandiose mountains are not the ordinary scene of the neighborhood, but are showing ideal enchanted land. Paintings of these kind should be categorized as Taoist paintings. In the Joseon Dynasty, which has adopted Confucianism as its governing ideology, Taoism declined abruptly and Taoist arts were hard to develop. However, famous painters of Joseon like Kim Myeongguk, Kim Hongdo, Shim Sajeong and Jang Seungeop have drawn many paintings of Taoist immortals. But Joseon’s paintings of Taoist immortals did not played the religious role and were not the means of faith like those of China. As the scholar-officials of Joseon accepted Taoist ideas and created poems about the Taoist immortals, the ideas of Taoist immortals were very popular and accordingly many paintings about them were depicted. Among the folk paintings, examples of the presence of Taoist immortals are rare. On the contrary, in case of the paintings of shaman’s god, there are many paintings of gods which have importance in the Taoist paintings. During the Joseon Dynasty, the Taoist paintings had not developed as the official religious paintings and remained in the realm of shamanism. As these paintings of gods are the objects of worshipping which have miraculous power, they needed religious space and so they were hard to be consumed as secular folk paintings. Another reason why there remain so few Taoist paintings is that they were used not for appreciating and collecting but for warding off evil spirits and praying, so after using one time they were discarded. If we broaden the domain of folk paintings, we could find more Taoist paintings. In the arts of Taoism, talisman, sign, diagram, and figure were frequently used to express Tao visually which is mysterious and without form. Therefore, in order to fully understand arts of Taoism, traditional category of paintings is not appropriate and it is necessary to include various images. Because these paintings were woodblock prints and widely used, they can be regarded as folk paintings. As talismans were burned out after using once, and were used secretly for the incantation, they were rarely found and transmitted. Only when we regard these kinds of objects as the Taoist paintings and include them to folk paintings, we probably could rightly apprehend arts of Taoism in the folk paintings of Joseon Dynasty.

GPS 상시관측소 동적 좌표추정을 위한 중기선해석 정확도의 실험적 분석

조인수(Cho, Insoo),이흥규(Lee, Hungkyu) 한국측량학회 2016 한국측량학회지 Vol.34 No.1