한국 선거제도의 문제점과 개혁방향: 소선거구 비례대표 병립제 도입을 위한 논의

이현출 건국대학교 1998 학술논문집 : 건국대 대학원 Vol.47 No.1

The goal of electoral system reforms is to solve the distorted representativeness, stabilize political structure and advance party politics, solve the deep-seated regionalism, and solve plutocracy. However, the problem is that there is no single system that can satisfy such barometers of evaluation. Therefore, the method of reforms will have to be directed to the way that supplements the weakness of the current system. As a counter measure for satisfying such barometers of evaluation, I hereby propose the system that combines single constituency and proportional representation system, provided that the ratio between single constituency and proportional representation is adjusted up to the level of 1:1 or 2:1. In addition, in order to make effective use of the principle of proportional representation system and overcome the weakness of intraparty democracy, it will be necessary to adopt a system in which an eligible voter casts two votes. Of course the political party itself will have to promote and secure the transparency in selecting the proportional representation poll. If we adopt a party-poll type of the proportional representation system to supplement the problem while maintaining local constituency system, we can expect a number of positive results. First, if we look at the represtentativeness, there is a strong point in solving the distortion in the representativeness as we prevent private votes. Also, there is a good point in promoting the stability of political structure as we make effective the purpose of local constituency system. Especially considering the fact that the Korean political structure is largely influenced by successor- centered political party and the strong regionalism, it can help stabilize the political situation as we can expect the collapse of regionalism and the high possibility of having multiple-party system after the three Kims era. Along with it, through the proportional representation system, a new political culture that requires the need of cooperation and compromise is expected to be realized in parliament tarnished by conflicts and confrontations as new and infant political parties or groups who were not able to produce candidates for national constituency participate in the parliamentary activities. In addition, enlarging the adoption of the proportional representation system will appease the regionalism, and has the advantage of relieving the conflict and confrontations, and reducing irregularities and moral depravity as only one candidate is elected in each local constituency.

Population Aging and Korean Society

Hyun-Chool LEE The Academy of Korean Studies 2021 Korea Journal Vol.61 No.2

Is inactivation of O⁶-methylguanine DNA methyltransferase still a favorable prognostic factor of patients with diffuse large B-cell lymphoma in the era of R-CHOP chemotherapy?

Lee, Gyeong-Won,Kang, Jung-Hun,Kim, In-Suk,Kim, Hoon-Gu,Ko, Gyung Hyuck,Lee, Jeong Hee,Kim, Dong Chool,Song, Dae Hyun,Yang, Jung Wook,Lee, Jong Sil Informa UK (TaylorFrancis) 2009 Leukemia & lymphoma Vol.50 No.12

Establishment of a simple method for purification of high purity chlorogenic acid from immature fruit of pear (Pyrus pyrifolia Nakai)

Lee, Sang Won,Lee, Yu Geon,Cho, Jeong-Yong,Kim, Young Chool,Lee, Sang-Hyun,Kim, Wol-Soo,Moon, Jae-Hak 한국응용생명화학회 2015 Applied Biological Chemistry (Appl Biol Chem) Vol.58 No.3

Chlorogenic acid [3-(3,4-dihydroxycinnamoyl) quinic acid, CGA] is one of the main compounds contained in immature pear fruits. In the present study, we established simple purification of CGA in high purity from the immature fruit of pear (Pyrus pyrifolia Nakai cv. Chuhwangbae) which contains CGA in high concentration. The 80 % MeOH extract (1.4 g) of immature pear fruits (20 g fresh wt.) was partitioned with ethyl acetate (EtOAc) under acidic condition (pH 2.65). Then, the EtOAc-soluble acidic layer (110.3 mg) was further purified using Diaion HP-20 column chromatography ($H_2O/MeOH$, step wise). Then, the CGA-contained fractions were finally purified by preparative ODS-HPLC. The isolated CGA (24.3 mg) showed high purity (>99 %) and the total recovery was estimated to be 63.9 %.

Neural Decoding of Main Olfactory Bulb in Rats for Multi-Odorant Discrimination

Hyun Chool Shin,Hyoung Geol Ham(함형걸),Xue Mei Jin,Julia Komissarova,Yiran Lang,Hyun Joo Lee,Hyung-Cheul Shin 한국실험동물학회 2009 한국실험동물학회 학술발표대회 논문집 Vol.2009 No.2

TRANSITION TO INTRA-PARTY DEMOCRACY : THE KOREAN PRESIDENTIAL CANDIDATE SELECTION SYSTEM

Lee, Hyun Chool 경남대학교 극동문제연구소 2002 ASIAN PERSPECTIVE Vol.26 No.2

This article examines the process of democratization of the candidate election process in the New Korea Party during 1997, and the background that caused the system to become more democratic. Two aspects of that process are examined: decentralization of power and problems of securing autonomy from elite control. The analysis demonstrates that although democracy within the party was not achieved completely, significant progress was made. Such a change was the result of conflict among the elite group within the party, incentives of party members, the need to maximize votes in elections, and popular pressure.

Older Voters’ Policy Preferences in the Korean General Elections

Hyun-Chool LEE The Academy of Korean Studies 2021 Korea Journal Vol.61 No.2

The Democratization of the Presidential Candidate Selection Process and its Ramifications : The Korean Experience 1997~2002

Lee, Hyun-Chool 대한정치학회 2006 大韓政治學會報 Vol.14 No.2

이 논문은 최근 대통령후보 선출과정의 중대한 개혁이 일어났던 두 가지 사례인 1997년 신한국당 사례와 2002년 새천년민주당 사례를 통하여 한국 대통령후보 선출과 정의 민주화와 파생효과를 분석하고 있다. 1997년 신한국당 사례는 정당대회 형식을 취하고 있지만 기존의 대의원을 두 배로 확대함으로써 당원의 개방성을 확대하였고, 2002년 새천년민주당의 사례는 당원뿐만 아니라 일반 국민 선거인단의 50% 참여를 허용함으로써 후보선출의 개방성을 획기적으로 확대하였다. 그러나 선거인단 개방성의 확대는 당내의 웅집성뿐만 아니라 대표성 확보에도 문제점을 가져온 것으로 분석되고 있다. 즉, 후보선출과정의 민주화를 통해 의도하지 않은 결과를 가져오고, 이는 정당 자체뿐만 아니라 정치체계 전반에 중요한 영향을 미친다는 것을 보여주고 있다. This article examines the democratization of presidential candidate selection in South Korea, while paying particular attention to two examples that have involved major reforms in the candidate selection process in recent years; that of the New Korea Party (NKP) in 1997, and of the Millennium Democratic Party (MDP) in 2002. This analysis will focus on the level of participation, the amount of intraparty cohesiveness, and the effectiveness of the party campaign by examining the NKP experience of a party convention, and contrasting it to the MDP candidate selection process that entailed membership ballots and primaries, and argue that the unintended consequences of the democratization can have a significant impact on the future of the party itself, and on the political system as a whole.

민주주의의 의미 : Q방법론을 통한 자아참조적 관점에서의 고찰

이현출(Hyun Chool Lee),길병옥(Byung Ok Kil) 대한정치학회 2000 大韓政治學會報 Vol.8 No.2

코로나19와 의회 대리투표: 대리투표소송의 쟁점

이현출 ( Lee Hyun-chool ) 건국대학교 법학연구소 2021 一鑑法學 Vol.0 No.48

이 논문은 코로나19 사태로 물리적 출석이 불가능한 상황에서 주요국 의회의 대응방안으로 주목받아온 대리투표 제도의 도입과 이를 둘러싼 소송에서의 쟁점을 고찰하는데 목적이 있다. 대리투표제도 도입과 함께 제기된 위헌 소송에서 투표희석이론과 피해의 직접성과 구체성을 두고 원고적격 여부에 대한 다툼이 있었다. 아울러 연설·토론조항을 통하여 면책특권을 부여할 수 있는지 여부도 문제되었다. 법원은 원고적격에 대한 판단 대신 연설·토론조항의 적용을 통하여 원고의 소송을 각하하였다. 그럼에도 대리투표 사건에서 원고들이 주장하는 제도적 입법권의 추상적 희석은 기존의 미셸사건이나 밴드 자크트 사건에서와 같은 특정된 구체적 피해를 인정하기에는 한계가 있을 것으로 보인다. 또한 의결권의 지분이 출석의원의 수에 따라 동적으로 변한다는 해석도 받아들이기 어렵다는 입장을 견지하고 있다. 연설·토론조항 적용과 관련하여 이 사건에서는 의원의 활동을 입법활동과는 달리 판단할 여지가 없다고 본다. 아울러 의회 서기와 같은 입법보조자의 행위를 면책의 범위에 포함하며 그라벨 사건의 판례를 따르고 있다. 사회적 거리두기를 권고하는 상황에서 감염된 의원들의 의결권과 심의권을 차단하는 것은 또 다른 이익의 직접적 침해를 야기하게 된다. 아울러 코로나19가 불가피한 상황이고 한시적으로 채택된다는 점에서 투표가치의 희석을 주장하기에는 한계가 있다고 할 수 있다. 나아가 책임정치의 구현과 시의적절한 입법의 필요성 차원에서도 대리투표 논의가 필요하다고 할 것이다. 그리고 임신의원이나 중증장애를 입은 의원들의 투표권 보장 차원에서도 고려해볼 필요가 있다고 본다. The purpose of this paper is to analyze a proxy voting system, which has been drawing attention as a countermeasure for major national assemblies in the situation where physical attendance is impossible due to the COVID-19 epidemic. In the unconstitutional lawsuit filed along with the introduction of the proxy voting system, a dispute over the theory of voting dilution and the directness and specificity of the damage was raised over the standing requirement. In addition, there emerged a dispute over whether immunity could be granted through the speech and discussion clause. Instead of judging the qualification of the plaintiff, the court dismissed the plaintiff’s lawsuit through the application of the speech and discussion clause. Nevertheless, the abstract dilution of institutional legislative power claimed by the plaintiffs in the proxy voting case is likely to be limited to acknowledging certain specific damages such as the existing Michelle or Vander Jagt cases. It also maintains that it is difficult to accept the interpretation that the share of voting rights changes dynamically depending on the number of members present. With respect to the application of the speech and discussion provisions, the activities of members shall not be deemed to be different from the legislative activities in this case. In addition, the act of a legislative assistant, such as a parliamentary secretary, is included in the scope of immunity and follows the precedent of the Gravel case. Blocking the voting rights and deliberation rights of infected lawmakers at a time when social distancing is recommended causes another direct conflict of interest. In addition, there is a limit to claiming the dilution of voting value in that COVID19 is inevitable and is temporarily adopted. Furthermore, discussions on proxy voting are also needed in terms of implementing responsible policy measures as well as a timely legislation. It also appears necessary to consider guaranteeing the voting rights for pregnant or severely disabled lawmakers.