유럽연합(EU)과 한국의 배출권거래제 비교연구 : 탄소누출 대응을 중심으로

이현출,김민전,최영빈 아시아.유럽미래학회 2022 유라시아연구 Vol.19 No.4

Based on the perception that carbon leakage, which is considered to be a significant matter in the European Union Emissions Trading System (EU ETS), may occur in the Korea Emissions Trading System (K-ETS) under the third compliance period, this paper compared the direction of Phase 4 of EU ETS with the 3rd compliance period of Korean Emissions Trading System (K-ETS) to suggest the future direction of the K-ETS after 3rd compliance period. Phase 4 of EU ETS uses the free allocation method, the carbon leakage exposure factor (CLEF), and carbon leakage list to prevent carbon leakage, and in the case of free allocation, the benchmark method based on the emission-efficiency tradeoff. At this point, there is a difference between the K-ETS, which uses the Grandfathering with the Benchmark for free allocation, and EU ETS. After comparing the characteristics of the two emission trading systems, this paper presents the future direction of the Korean emission trading system as follows. First, we prepare the means to respond to carbon leakage in order to reflect the recognition of the Korean emission trading system on carbon leakage. This study reviewed the European Union's carbon leakage exposure factor (CLEF) calculation method, which is an example of carbon leakage response, and suggested expanding the emission efficiency-based allocation method (BM) while at the same time selecting carbon leakage exposure industries as prerequisites for using similar policies with the CLEF under the Korean emission trading system. Second, it is necessary to develop a new methodology to select industries that are highly exposed to carbon leakage in the K-ETS. This study examined if the European Union's method of determining whether to register carbon leakage lists could be applied to Korea, and concluded that a new methodology should be proposed to select carbon leakage exposure industries under the Korean emission trading system. Third, the role of free allocation of the K-ETS should be reduced in the long run. This is a prerequisite for the stable implementation of the two measures mentioned earlier to block carbon leakage and is a goal that must be achieved to maintain Korea's external competitiveness with respect to the international systems such as the carbon border adjustment system. To examine the necessity of achieving these goals, this paper calculated the potential compliance costs that Korea must bear under the carbon border adjustment system operated in conjunction with the EU emission trading system. As a result of our calculation, Korea's external competitiveness is feared to weaken in terms of exports as the emission trading prices are significantly different from those in the European Union. It also appears rather burdensome to implement specific measures to cope with the carbon leakage.

국내의정 리뷰 : 서울 G-20 국회의장회의 개최의 배경과 의의

이현출 한국의회발전연구회 2011 의정연구 Vol.17 No.1

[토론] “주민자치 실질화 위해서는 밑으로부터의 혁신 필요”

이현출 한국자치학회 2019 월간 주민자치 Vol.93 No.-

[토론] “주민자치회 설계 시 이상과 현실 간 조화와 균형 필요”

이현출 한국자치학회 2020 월간 주민자치 Vol.105 No.-

토론문

이현출 한반도선진화재단 2018 한반도선진화재단 기타 단행본 Vol.- No.-

[마무리] “지방선거, 동네민주주의와 대의민주주의 접목시킬 계기”

이현출 한국자치학회 2018 월간 주민자치 Vol.79 No.-

한국정당의 당원참여 활성화 방안 연구

이현출 건국대학교 2000 政正 Vol.13 No.1

한국 선거제도의 문제점과 개혁방향: 소선거구 비례대표 병립제 도입을 위한 논의

이현출 건국대학교 1998 학술논문집 : 건국대 대학원 Vol.47 No.1

The goal of electoral system reforms is to solve the distorted representativeness, stabilize political structure and advance party politics, solve the deep-seated regionalism, and solve plutocracy. However, the problem is that there is no single system that can satisfy such barometers of evaluation. Therefore, the method of reforms will have to be directed to the way that supplements the weakness of the current system. As a counter measure for satisfying such barometers of evaluation, I hereby propose the system that combines single constituency and proportional representation system, provided that the ratio between single constituency and proportional representation is adjusted up to the level of 1:1 or 2:1. In addition, in order to make effective use of the principle of proportional representation system and overcome the weakness of intraparty democracy, it will be necessary to adopt a system in which an eligible voter casts two votes. Of course the political party itself will have to promote and secure the transparency in selecting the proportional representation poll. If we adopt a party-poll type of the proportional representation system to supplement the problem while maintaining local constituency system, we can expect a number of positive results. First, if we look at the represtentativeness, there is a strong point in solving the distortion in the representativeness as we prevent private votes. Also, there is a good point in promoting the stability of political structure as we make effective the purpose of local constituency system. Especially considering the fact that the Korean political structure is largely influenced by successor- centered political party and the strong regionalism, it can help stabilize the political situation as we can expect the collapse of regionalism and the high possibility of having multiple-party system after the three Kims era. Along with it, through the proportional representation system, a new political culture that requires the need of cooperation and compromise is expected to be realized in parliament tarnished by conflicts and confrontations as new and infant political parties or groups who were not able to produce candidates for national constituency participate in the parliamentary activities. In addition, enlarging the adoption of the proportional representation system will appease the regionalism, and has the advantage of relieving the conflict and confrontations, and reducing irregularities and moral depravity as only one candidate is elected in each local constituency.

중복입후보제(Dual Candidacy) 도입의 정치학: 독일, 뉴질랜드, 일본의 사례를 중심으로

이현출 세종연구소 2012 국가전략 Vol.18 No.1

This thesis strives to explore the field of dual candidacy, which has not much been academically discussed in depth so far. Through comparative analyses of three countries – Germany, New Zealand, and Japan – this thesis looks to the background of the introduction, purpose and political impacts, contrasts in practical use, and so forth. The three countries under analysis introduced the institution of dual candidacy, each under different circumstances and with different goals. On a general note, it can be witnessed that, in countries that implement dual candidacy, it positively effects the activation of party politics. By strategically utilizing dual candidacy, not only can each party promote its vote maximization but also see it positively contribute to protecting party leadership. In the case of the Republic of Korea (ROK), if dual candidacy is to be allowed in order to mitigate regionalism, it is expected that party operations will be active in a greater degree in vulnerable areas. Moreover, the institution possesses the merit that dead votes, which would be made under the single-member constituency system, can be redeemed to a certain extent in the perspective of the voter. 이 논문은 그동안 학문적으로 깊이 논의되지 못한 중복입후보제를 독일, 뉴질랜드, 일본의 사례를 비교 분석하며, 그 도입배경, 의도된 목표와 정치적 효과, 실제 운용상의 차이 등을 분석하였다. 비교대상 3개국은 각기 다른 배경 하에서 각기 다른 목표를 가지고 제도를 도입하였다. 일반적으로 중복입후보제를 실시하고 있는 나라들에서는 정당정치를 활성화하는 데에 긍정적인 효과를 나타내고 있음을 강조하고 있다. 각 정당은 중복입후보제를 전략적으로 활용함으로써 정당의 득표극대화를 도모할 수 있으며, 정당의 리더십을 보호하는 데에도 긍정적으로 기여하였다. 한국의 경우 지역주의 완화를 위하여 중복입후보를 허용하게 되면 취약지역에서의 정당활동이 더욱 활성화될 것으로 기대된다. 아울러 유권자 입장에서 소선거구제가 갖는 사표를 어느 정도 구제할 수 있다는 장점이 있다.

Legislative Influences of the ROK National Assembly on the Security Alliance Format with the US

이현출,길병옥 한국동북아학회 2012 한국동북아논총 Vol.17 No.3

What kinds of perspectives the National Assembly has and how it has struggled in determining diplomatic policies with regard to the ROK-US alliance are the primary question of this paper. What kinds of changes have been brought in the recognition of assemblymen are to be examined in the 16th, 17th, and 18th National Assembly in Korea. The issues of interactions and causes, exposed by the process of handling the matter of proposed laws and ratifications related to the ROK-US alliance, are analyzed as well. Implications can be drawn for the future roles of National Assembly and political parties by analyzing the roles and impacts of them. This paper specifically studies ideology, factors related to a local district, and a political platform of the members in the National Assembly. The factors affecting the alliance and activity of congressional members include Korea’s geo-strategic situation as a divided country, changes of political leadership and president’s perspectives, congressional members’ ideology, local constituents and political party, and political stance due to the strong party discipline. The perception of the alliance depends on the different ideological spectrum of congressional members, especially those who belong to the committees of defense or foreign affairs and trade. 본 연구의 주된 문제제기는 한미동맹과 관련하여 입법기관인 국회는 어떤 시각을 가지고 있으며 외교정책을 결정하는데 있어서 영향력은 어느 정도 인지에 대한 사항이다. 특히 16대, 17대, 18대 국회에서 한미동맹에 대한 국회의원들의 인식, 제안된 법률안과 비준의 과정, 정당과 정당정책의 영향력, 그리고 미래 국회의 역할 등에 대해 중점적으로 고찰한다. 구체적으로 본 논문은 국회의원들의 이념적인 부분, 지역 선거구에 관련된 요인, 의원들이 속한 정당의 강령 등에 대해 논의한다. 분석결과, 한미동맹과 국회의원들의 행태에 영향을 미치는 요인들은 한국의 지정학적 위치, 집권정부와 대통령의 시각 변화, 국회의원들의 이념, 지역구 및 정당, 그리고 강력한 정당강령에 대비한 정치적 입장 등이다. 간략히 결론을 내린다면, 입법기관으로서 국회의원들의 한미동맹에 대한 견해는 국방위원회 및 외교통상위원회 구성원들의 서로 다른 이념적 스펙트럼에 따라 다양하게 나타난다. 주목할 만한 부분은 외교문제나 대외관계에 있어서 충분한 논의를 통한 대안을 마련하지 않는 경우에는 사안이 발생한 연후에 그에 대한 사회적 비용이 크다는 점이다. 문제해결의 대안으로 대외문제에 대한 국회의 보다 다양하고 광범위한 역할을 추구해야 한다는 점을 강조한다.