A comparative analysis of the difference in attitudes of Britain and Spain towards independence referendum

Hua Minchao(화민초),HyunJung Kim(김현정),Bo Tu(두보) 한국유럽학회 2021 유럽연구 Vol.39 No.2

최근 몇 년간 독립투표(Independence referendum)는 일부 유럽 국가에 영향을 미치는 중요한 정치 운동이 되었으며 학계에서도 큰 관심을 받고 있다. 집행정부의 태도는 국민 투표의 실현과 이행에 결정적인 역할을 하는 중요한 요소 중 하나이다. 유럽 내 영국과 스페인은 유사점이 많지만 독립투표에 대해서는 다른 태도를 보여 왔다. 영국 정부가 2014년 스코틀랜드에서 독립에 관한 국민 투표를 허락했지만 스페인 정부는 독립지역의 국민 투표를 단호히 반대했다. 본 논문은 문헌연구와 비교 분석을 통해 독립투표에 대한 두 정부의 태도 차이를 연구하였다. 결과로 첫째, 정치적, 문화적 관점에서 영국의 정치 상황은 근대 이래 점차 안정되었고, 지역분권을 통해 지방이 독자적 선택을 할 때는 보다 열린 마음으로 독립을 받아들일 수 있다. 반대로 스페인은 근대 혼란과 독재에 빠졌었고, 가톨릭의 강력한 집정에 의해 중앙집권 정치문화를 형성하였다. 이에 스페인은 지역독립 국민투표 처리에 있어 더욱 신중하고 보수적인 태도를 취하였다. 둘째, 정당 전략의 관점에서 볼 때 스코틀랜드는 독립 가능성이 적으며, 보수당 정부가 국민 투표를 동의한 것은 ‘낮은 위험, 높은 수익’이라는 관점에서다. 하지만 스페인의 카탈로니아는 독립실행 가능성이 높으므로 정부가 만일 독립투표를 허락한다면 독립을 허락하는 것과 같다. 또한 정당의 이익과 경제의 관점에서 볼 때 지역 독립은 양 정부에 큰 해를 끼칠 것이지만 스코틀랜드 독립은 카탈로니아 독립만큼 파괴적이지 않다. 본 연구를 통해 독립투표의 위험과 이익에 대한 평가(Assessment of the risks and benefits)는 정부가 지방 독립투표에 대한 태도를 결정하는 중요한 지표임을 도출할 수 있다. 때문에 독립투표는 각 나라 집행정부의 태도차이에 따른 다른 시나리오가 나타날 수 있으며, 스코틀랜드와 카탈로니아의 경우는 보편적으로 적용되지 않을 수 있다. In recent years, the referendum on independence has become an important political movement affecting some European countries, and has also received wide attention from academics. The attitude of the government is one of the important factors that plays a decisive role in whether the referendum can be realized and implemented. While, in Europe the British ruling government agreed to hold a referendum on independence in Scotland in 2014, the Spanish government resolutely opposed, holding a referendum in the break-away region. Although the two countries have many similarities, they also have different attitudes towards regional referendums. This paper studies the difference in attitudes of the two governments towards independence referendum using a literature review approach and comparative analysis. From the political and cultural point of view, the British political situation has been stable in recent times, and its local autonomy tradition has enabled it to accept the possibility of separation with a more open mind when facing regional independence. On the contrary, Spain"s turmoil and dictatorship in recent times, coupled with the centralized political culture formed by the strong Catholic presence, make the country more cautious and conservative in its treatment of regional independence referendum. From the perspective of political party strategy, Scotland has a small probability of independence. The Conservative government agrees that the referendum is “low risk and high return”. While Catalonia has a high probability of independence, the People"s Party government agrees that the referendum is undoubtedly self-defeating. Although regional independence has done great harm to both governments, from the perspective of party interests and economy, Scottish independence is not as destructive as Catalan independence. The different ways of dealing with local referendums in the two countries show that the ruling government"s assessment of the risks and benefits of independent referendums is an important indicator of its attitude. Different scripts may appear in different countries because of the different attitudes of the ruling government and the cases of Scotland and Catalonia may not be universally applicable.

Research on the Formation of Scottish National Identity from the Perspective of Identity Politics

Hua Minchao,Zheng Taoran 아시아사회과학학회 2021 Jornal of Asia Social Science Vol.2 No.2

Although the lack of such obvious defining signs as language, ethnicorigin and religion, Scotland, as a nation different from England, has been widelyrecognized by various countries and regions including Britain. Combining the views ofnativism and constructivism, this paper discusses the formation of Scottish nationalidentity from four aspects: common region, common history, common others andintellectual elite creation. The establishment of Scottish national identity failed to bringabout the rise of Scottish nationalism, which, to some extent, showed that theestablishment of national identity was not consistent with the desire for politicalnationalism.

Devolution in Britain and Separation in Scotland: Focused on Regional Separation Dilemma

Minchao Hua,Bo Tu 동아시아국제정치학회 2021 국제정치연구 Vol.24 No.1

지역분리는 주권국의 핵심이익(Core interest)과 연계하는 이슈이며, 또한 국제정치 분야에서 오랫동안 지속 되고 있는 문제이기도 한다. 지역분리운동은 일부 유럽 국가에서 나타날 뿐만 아니라 제 2 차 세계 대전 이후 새로 설립 된 많은 국가에서도 발생하며, 이는 세계화의 발전과 함께 새로운 형태로 속속 등장했다. 일부 주권국가에서는 지역분리를 억제하기 위해 지역분권정책을 채택했다. 20 세기 후반부터 스코틀랜드 민족주의자들의 지지를 얻기 위해, 영국의 노동당은 스코틀랜드에게 지역분권 해줬다. 하지만 1999 년에 스코틀랜드 의회가 설립된 후, 영국이 원했던 스코틀랜드와의 통일과 안정적인 발전은 달성하지 못했으며, 오히려 희망했던 것과 반대로 스코틀랜드의 민족주의자들이 원하는 지역분리 위기에 빠졌다. 본 논문은 문헌연구를 통해 영국 정부가 채택한 지역분권정책과 스코틀랜드의 지역분리 간의 인과관계를 연구하였다. 결과적으로 영국의 지역분권정책은 국내의 의견 분열을 더 많이 일으켰으며, 한편 스코틀랜드의 국민당은 지역분권 계기로 지역분리를 위한 조건을 성공적으로 마련했다. Regional separation is an important issue concerning the core interests of sovereign States, and it is also a long-standing issue in the international political field. The regional separation movement not only appeared in some old European countries, but also plagued many newly established countries after World War II, and with the development of globalization, many new forms appeared one after another. In this regard, some sovereign countries have adopted policies such as devolution to try to curb regional separation. Since the second half of the 20th century, in order to win the support of Scottish nationalists, the British Labor Party has continuously promised to decentralize Scotland. By 1999, the Scottish Parliament was established, but it failed to make Britain develop towards unity and stability, on the contrary, it contributed to the momentum of national separation in Scotland. By means of literature research, this paper studies the interaction of the devolution policy adopted by the British government, and the separation movement of Scotland, and finds that the devolution of Britain has brought more internal differences, while the Scottish National Party has successfully used the opportunity brought by devolution to create conditions for ethnic separation.

Visualizing the National Security Information Science Knowledge Network in China

Liu Di,Hua Minchao 아시아사회과학학회 2020 Jornal of Asia Social Science Vol.1 No.3

In order to better understand the development process and role of national security information in the field of national security research, this paper analyzes the scientific atlas of national security information from the perspective of overall national security concept, and concludes that the disciplines involved in studying national security issues under overall national security concept include ideological and political theory courses, national security science, security management, national security information science, etc., It points out that the continuous integration of related disciplines promotes the emergence of national security information science as a separate discipline, and points out the research trend of national security information under overall national security concept.

The Comparative Study of Xinjiang’s Tuntian System before and after the Founding of the People’s Republic of China

Zong Wei,Yan Xiaorong,Hua Minchao 아시아사회과학학회 2021 Jornal of Asia Social Science Vol.5 No.3

China’s frontier society is in the process of social transformation. Take Xinjiang as an example, there are two parallel governance modes: local governance and corps governance. The proposal of “the Belt and Road Initiative” strategy reshaped the shape and status of Xinjiang, and made Xinjiang a center of two-way opening to the outside world, which had a far-reaching impact on the stability and development of border areas. In this discourse situation, it is necessary to look at the diachronic changes around “the Belt and Road Initiative” in Xinjiang from the comparison of history and modernity. Taking wasteland as the breakthrough point, this paper discusses the influence of Xinjiang Production and Construction Corps on Xinjiang’s modern social transformation in the ways of ethnic communication, regional development, world trade system, social domination, etc. by combing the comparison of Xinjiang’s wasteland and frontier defense, ethnic exchanges, agricultural development, trade and social development before and after the founding of the People’s Republic of China.