고려시대 본품항두(本品行頭)

이진한 한국역사연구회 2004 역사와 현실 Vol.- No.54

In this article, the Bonpum Hangdu/本品行頭 figures of the Goryeo dynasty will be examined. In major national ceremonies, these Bonpum Hangdu figures were positioned in the most prominent places among fellow figures who shared the same Hangryeol ranking, and during those occasions the Hangdu figures were put in charge of certain special tasks. It was an honorable treatment for these figures, to let them take charge in such tasks. Previously, the official ranking indicated by a Bonpum Hangdu post was believed to be the Bonpum ranking of that person as well. And one of the previous understandings regarding the Bonpum Hangdu figures was that, for example, when a Bonpum Hangdu figure was appointed to a post like the post of Yaebu Shirang/禮部侍郞(holding the rank of Jeong 4th Pum) and also to a post, say, Uh-Seungseon/右承宣(holding the rank of Jeong 3rd Pum), such person would be considered as a Bonpum Hangdu figure of the Jeong 3rd Pum ranking group, instead of being recognized as a Bonpum Hangdu figure for the Jeong 4th Pum ranking group. But according to a series of analyses with related examples, it seems to be clear that the official rank indicated by the Bonpum Hangdu post itself did not function as an indicator of the rank. Such Bonpum Hangdu post had to be given to a person with yet another Bonpum post. And the rank of that Bonpum post served as an indicator of to which Bonpum that person should be belonged, as a Hangdu figure. For example, if a person was assigned to posts of Yaebu Shirang and Uh-Seungseon at the same time, the Jeong 4th Pum rank would serve as a Bonpum rank, and the Uh-Seungseon post, regardless of its inherent rank, would only serve as an indication that this person was a Hangdu figure. So, the person in question was to be considered a Bonpum Hangdu figure, representing the officials holding the rank of the Jeong 4th Pum. What should be noted is that even though the Bonpum Hangdu posts carried official ranks, they did not serve as an indicator of the person's official status in terms of ranking. This was a unique characteristic of the Goyeo administrative system, and should be considered an instrumental concept that would help us distinguish the concurrent titles(posts) from the Bonpum posts. The concurrent titles did not mean the title of the person, and the Bonpum posts were what truly indicated that person's ranking.

임진란 시기 항왜의 투항 배경과 역할

한문종(Han, Moon-Jong) 강원대학교 인문과학연구소 2013 인문과학연구 Vol.0 No.36

임진란 중에 조선에 투항한 倭兵을 降倭라 칭하였다. 항왜의 발생배경은 식량의 부족, 과중한 노역과 혹독한 추위로 인한 병사들의 고통, 오랜 전쟁으로 인한 전쟁 기피 등이 조선의 항왜 우대책과 결부되어 있었다. 임진란 시기의 항왜는 1593년 5월경에 처음으로 나타났으며, 1594년 明軍의 철수를 계기로 조선이 적극적으로 항왜를 유치하면서 급증하였다. 그 후 明?日간의 강화교섭이 진행되면서 왜병의 투항이 주춤하였으나, 丁酉再亂이 일어나면서 다시 증가하였다. 한편, 임진란 시기 항왜의 수는 최대 1만명에서 최소 1천명에 이르렀을 것으로 추정된다. 明軍에 투항한 항왜는 遼東으로 압송되었으며, 이러한 前例에 따라 조선군에 투항해 온 항왜도 요동으로 압송하였다. 그러나 명의 주력부대가 철수하면서 항왜를 요동으로 보내지 않고 경상도 내륙지방에 分置하였다. 그 후 각 지방의 식량문제와 분란의 발생을 우려하여 항왜를 함경도?황해도?강원도?충청도 등지의 군현이나 섬으로 이송하고 거주지 밖으로의 출입을 제한하였다. 한편 조선에서는 항왜 중에서 총검의 제조나 화약의 제조법, 그리고 검술이 뛰어난 자에게 官職을 제수하여 서울에 거주하게 하고, 그 나머지는 내륙지방 또는 兩界地方에 移置하였다. 그러나 양계지방에서는 항왜의 수가 많아지자 지방 재정의 부족을 우려하여 항왜의 入送을 기피하였다. 임진란 시기의 항왜는 일본군과의 싸움에 참여하는 한편 胡狄을 방어하는데도 활용되었다. 또한 이들은 조총의 제조와 사용법, 화약의 제조법 등의 기술을 조선에 전수해주었다. 이는 조선의 무기제조 기술을 발전시키는데 크게 기여하였으며, 나아가 임진란을 종식시키는데도 일조하였다. 임진란 시기의 항왜 중에는 조선의 관직을 제수받은 수직왜인이 있었다. 그 중에는 조선으로부터 성과 이름을 하사받은 자도 있었으며, 임진란이 끝난 이후 일본으로 돌아가 다시 수직왜인이 되어 조선에 도항한 자들도 있었다. There were many Japanese soldiers surrendered to the Joseon dynasty during the Imjin war, who were called ‘hangwae.’ The outbreak of hangwae could be traced to conciliatory and favourable measures toward Japanese pirates in the early times of the dynasty. But, along with the warm reception policy, it came directly from the phenomenon that Japanese soldiers suffered from a food shortage, various hard works and bitter cold, thus they tried to evade from the lingering war. In case of the Imjin war, hangwae appeared from May 1593 and rapidly increased as the government began to take a positive attitude to attract hangwae after the withdrawal of the Ming troops. Afterwards the number of hangwae began to slow down when Ming and Japan carried on peace negotiations, but it increased steeply with the second invasion of the Japanese army in 1597. Although how many hangwae surrendered to Joseon during the seven-year struggle was not clear, the number was estimated up to 10,000 or at least 1,000. In May 1593 hangwae surrendered to the Ming army were deported to the Liao-tung region of Manchuria. And following the footsteps, even hangwae surrendered to the Joseon army were taken to the same place. But as the main contingent of Ming left for the homeland, the Joseon government did not send hangwae to Liao-tung, but scattered them into inland areas of Gyeongsang Province. Since then, in order to provide against a food shortage and any disturbance of the areas, they had been deported to rural areas and islands of Hamgyeong, Hwanghae, Gangwon and Chungcheong Province. And access to the outsides of their residences had been restricted to them. Meanwhile, the government allowed some professional hangwae to join the civil service and to live in Seoul. They were good at making bayonets or gunpowder, and had excellent abilities as master swordsmen. Other hangwae were taken to inland areas and yanggye(namely, western and eastern borders of the country). But as the number of hangwae in yanggye increased, the small offices worried about their financial shortage and hesitated to receive hangwae. Hangwae engaged in the battles with the Japanese army, and was also recruited to defense against the attack from north barbarians during the Imjin war. And hangwae passed on their knowledge about the making of firelocks and gunpowder and their usages to Joseon. As a result, Joseon came to have many firelock technicians far superior to the Japanese by the year of 1597. 19 among hangwae of the Imjin war received official posts from the Joseon government. Some of them were granted full names. Others went to Japan after the war, and again sailed over to Joseon as sujigwaein(namely, the Japanese granted offices from the Joseon dynasty).

重複障碍兒의 實態와 그 對策에 關한 硏究

이규식(Rhee Kyu-shik),배성수(Bae Sung-soo),강수균(Kang Soo-kyoon),김종현(Kim Jong-hyun),박미혜(Park Mi-hae),석동일(Suck Dong-il),권도하(Kwon Do-ha),구대회(Ku Dae-hoi),이원식(Rhee Won-shik),권요한(Kwon Yo-han) 한국재활과학회 1988 難聽과 言語障碍 Vol.11 No.1

The purpose of the present research is to identify the prevalence of multihandicapped children enrolled in special schools in Korea and to propose educational countermeasures. 12,939 subjects Were selected from 17,373 students enrolled in 94 special schools in Korea. The issues of the research were: a) The types of multiple handicaps and the prevalence of multihandicapped children in the schools for the deaf, the blind, the mentally retarded, and the physically handicapped. b) The actual states of the multihandicapped children, regardless of the kind of special schools in which they were enrolled. c) The actual states of the social-medical backgrounds of the multihandicapped children. d) The educational countermeasures for the multihandicapped enrolled in the special schools. e) The attitudes and demands of the teachers and the parents of the multihandicapped, The findings were as follows: (Prevalence of the multihandicapped) a) The prevalence of the multihandicapped enrolled in the special schools was as follows; 8.9% from the school for the deaf, 15.7% for the blind, 60.1% for the mentlly retarded, 59.5% for the physically handicapped. b) The prevalence of the types of handicaps in each school was as follows: 1) The multihandicapped students in the schools for the deaf were 3.6% deaf with blind, 49% deaf with mental retardation, 20.1% deaf with physical handicaps, 9.7% deaf with emotional disturbances. 12.0% deaf with speech impairment, and the others 5.5%. 2) The students the schools for the blind were: 16.2% blind with hearing loss, 44.3% blind with mental retardation, 16.7% blind with physical handicaps, 9.7% blind with emotional disturbances, 6.5% blind with speech "impairment, and the others 6.5%. 3) The students in the schools for the mentally retarded were: 3.1% mentaly retarded with hearing 1066, 2.7% mentally retarded with blind, 18.5% mentally retarded with physical handicaps, 22.4% mentally retarded with emotional disturbances. 49.7% mentally retarded with speech impairment, and the others 3.5%. 4) The students in the schools for the physically handicapped were: 3.2% physically handicapped with hearing loss. 3.9% physically handicapped with blind, 35.2% physically handicapped with mental retardation, 4.6% physically handicapped with emotional disturbances, 50.0% physically handicapped with speech impairments, and the others 3.0%. c) The prevalence of each type of multihandicap in the special schools was: 0.7% deaf with blindness, 5.0% mentally retarded with deafness, 1.7% physically handicapped with deafness, 0.5% mentally retarded with deafness, 1.7% physically handicapped with deafness, 0.5% emotionally disturbed with deafness, 0.7% speech impaired. with deafness, 3.4% emotionally disturbed with blindness, 0.2% speech impaired with blindness, 20.0% mentally retarded with physical handicaps, 16.2% mentally retarded with emotional disturbances, 35.9% mentally retarded with speech impairments, 9.4% physically handicapped with speech impairments, and the others 3.9%. d) There were no differences between the prevalences of the multihandicapped males and females, but the absolute number of males was larger than that of the females.(m: 64% f: 36%): also, there was no great difference between the prevalence of the place of birth and the place the child was raised. e) Among the multihandicapped enrolled in school. there were greater numbers of students in classes from the 3rd grade of primary school to the 3rd grade of middle school (8.3%) than those enrolled in an early education program( 1.69%). The fathers of the multihandicapped with educational levels equal to or higher than those of upper secondary school graduates were as follows: blind 21%, deaf 37%, physically handicapped 47%, mentally retarded 51%. The percentage of mothers with similar educational levels was: blind 9,9%, deaf 23%, mentally retarded 30%, physically handicapped 3.1%. The mothers of the multihandicapped

논문 : 개방형 BIM 적용 한옥 부재의 특징형상기반 형상모델링 자동구축시스템 개발에 대한 연구

권수환 ( Soo Hwan Kwun ),박승화 ( Seung Hwa Park ),전한종 ( Han Jong Jun ) 디자인융복합학회 2013 디자인융복합연구 Vol.12 No.2

한국 고유의 전통적 목조 건축양식에 의해 지어진 한옥은 가옥형태의 다양화 및 친환경 주택에 대한 선호도 증가에 따라 관심이 증가하고 있다. 이에 맞추어 한옥 대중화의 일환으로 다양한 연구가 진행 중에 있다. 이러한 연구들 중 하나의 성과로 한옥의 3차원 정보교환을 위한 개방형 BIM연구에서 IFC-XML을 이용한 한옥부재 라이브러리와 개방형 BIM 기반 브라우징 모듈이 개발되었다. 중립 포맷인 IFC에는 형상정보와 XML링크정보를 담고, XML에는 파라메트릭 정보를 담아 이종 BIM 도구들간의 정보교환이 가능하게 되어 한옥설계를 지원할 수 있는 환경을 제공하였다. 하지만 XML을 통해 한옥부재를 제작하려면 이에 관한 전문 지식을 가진 전문가가 코딩을 해야 하며, 하드 코딩방식으로 코딩되기 때문에 한옥 개별부재 하나를 코딩하는데도 수많은 시간이 소요된다. 이를 개선하기 위해 본 연구는 코딩에 대해 지식이 없는 비전문가를 대상으로 하는 IFC-XML 자동구축시스템 개발을 목적으로 한다. 본 연구를 통해 비전문가도 자동구축시스템을 이용하여 각종 한옥 부재를 XML로 구축할 수 있다. 따라서 전문가의 도움 없이 개방형 BIM기반 3차원 한옥 부재 라이브러리의 지속적인 구축을 기대할 수 있을 것이다. Han-ok, which is built according to the traditional Korean wooden architecture, is receiving increasing attention because of increasing preference for diverse house types and environmentally-friendly houses. Accordingly, various studies are in progress as part of popularizing Han-oks. As one of the accomplishments of these studies, in open BIM study for 3D information exchange of Han-ok, a Han-ok member library using IFC-XML and an open BIM-based browsing module have been developed. It provides environment that enables data exchange between different BIM tools by containing geometry data and XML link data in IFC, which is a neural format, and parametric data in XML, to supports Han-ok design. However, to produce Han-ok members with XML, a specialist with expertise must perform coding, and it takes a long time for coding one member of Han-ok because of the hard coding method. To improve this issue, this study aims to develop an IFC-XML Automatic Description System for non-experts who do not have knowledge in coding. This study will enable non-experts to create various Han-ok members by in XML by using the Automatic Description System. Therefore, we can expect to continue building 3D Han-ok member library based on open BIM.

A Study on the Clothing and Purchase Behavior for the Handicapped

Han, Myung-Suk,Ahn, Jung-Sook The Costume Culture Association 2009 Fashion, industry and education Vol.12 No.2

The goal of this study is to investigate the current conditions of apparels for the handicapped, identify the problems and recommend what are appropriate and functional apparels for the handicapped. The research method was to statistically process a survey on 200 handicapped by frequency analysis and cross tabulations. The study results are as follows. First, the degree of discomfort in daily activities was shown during toilet use and eating. Among clothes categories owned by the handicapped, most discomfort was felt in the order of everyday clothes, workout clothes, underwear, athletic shoes and working clothes. Second, children's clothing was most commonly preferred clothing style by handicap for the dwarfism. Comfortable clothes was preferred and relaxed, decent, and unique styles were preferred in the order. Soft feeling texture and absorbency was considered important as preferred clothing material. Third, sizes and designs were improvements wanted by the handicapped in apparel in the order. In addition, they wanted to wear apparel sensitive to the fashion just like the non-handicapped without showing the handicapped parts. There is a necessity for the government or municipalitiesto establish and run protected workplaces or independent workplaces for those who have studied apparel. The field is thought to require continuous and numerous follow-up studies such as researches on different physiques, standardization of apparel, segmentation of sizes and methods of producing custom apparel by function and handicap.

1995년 地方選擧와 1996년 總選擧의 比較硏究 : 政黨別 投票成向을 中心으로 Citizens' Voting Propensity To Each Political Party

韓貞一 建國大學校 社會科學硏究所 1997 社會科學論叢 Vol.2 No.-

There may be some difficulties in comparing 1995 Local Election and 1996 National Election in that the former was for electing govermors in localities (i.e., govermors in large-units, small-units, and provinces) while the latter was for electing national congressmen. Nevertheless of such limit performing a comparative analysis on issues surrounding citizens' voting behavior as found in the two elections would provide meaningful lessons for us to understand dynamic and, somehow, turbulent political processes in Korea. The main objective of this study is to illuminate the reasons why the two elections produced contradictory results in such a ahort interim period (i.e., 10 months) of the two elections. In the 1996 Fifteenth National Assembly Election, Sin-Han-Kuk Dang gained 139 seats, which shows a great reduction from 170 secured in the Fourteenth National Assembly. Whereas Kuk-Min-Howi won 79 seats in the Fifteenth National Assembly increased from 54 they gained in the Fourteenth National Assembly. Min-Joo-Dang, who cried for clearing off of 3 Kims (Kim, Young-Sam, Kim, Dae-Jung, Kim, Jong-Pil) from the stage of Korean Politics, became about being collapsed as a result of that election. Whereas Cha-Min-Ryon led by Mr. Kim, Jong-Pil ensured significant number of seats, enjoin great strides. To our surprising among others the ruling party (Sin-Han-Kuk Dang) won over opposition parties in Seoul area - the capital city of Korea - in the Fifteenth National Election, which was rarely expected. It presents a sharp contrast to the 1995 Local Election when the opposition party won an overwhelming victory over the ruling party. Reviewing specific results of the 1995 Local Election, 33.8% of the total voters supported the ruling party, Min-Ja Dang - old name of Sin-Han-Kuk Dang. Min-Joo Dang whech used to be the biggest opposition party, polled 30.5% of total votes, whereas Ja-Min-Ryon led by Mr. Kim, Jong-Pil, obtained 10.9%. Inthe 1996 National Assembly Election, the ruling party (Sin-Han-Kuk Dang) was supported by 34.5% of total voters. Sae-Jeong-Chi Kuk-Min-Howi, the biggest opposition party, obtained 25.3% of voters while Tong-Hab-Min Joo Dang and Ja-Min-Ryon gained 11.2% abd 16.2% respectively. The total number of parliamentary seats the ruling party obtained was 139 out of 299 total seats, lacking a majority in the Assembly. In electing provincial governors in the Fourteenth Election, the ruling party (Min-Ja Dang) gained 20.7% of votes, while Min-Joo Dang obtained 42.4%. In electing governors of city, district, or county Min-Ja Dang polled 35.1%, while Min-Joo Dang was supported by 47.9% of voters. In electing city or provincial assembly members Min-Ja Dang gained 36.7% of support whereas Min-Joo Dang polled 48.6% of voters. It was called a sweeping victory of the opposition party (Min-Joo Dang) in the 14th election. Citizens' voting propensity appeared in the two elections is particularly worth to be concerned: because the result of the Fifteenth Election demonstrated opposite phenomenon to that of the fourteenth Election. In the Fifteenth Election, the ruling party (Sin-Han-Kuk Dang) was supported by 36.5% of total voters, the first opposition party (Sae-Chung-Chi Kuk-Min-Hoei) was voted for by 35.2% of the total voters, and the Tong-Hab Min-Joo Dang gained only 13.5% of support. In particular, among total 47 parliamentary seats available for Seoul area, Sin-Han-Kuk Dang won 27 seats, the first opposition party(Sae-Jeong-Chi Kuk-Min Hoi) gained 18 seats, and Tong-Hab Min-Joo Dang gained only 1 seat. This means a crushing defeat of opposition parties, especially, the Sae-Jeong-Chi Kuk-Min Hoi led by Mr. Kim, Dae-Jung. This result encouraged the ruling party (Sin-Han-Kuk Dang) to be feel easy to restore a majority position in the National Assembly. As was witnessed in other elections citizens' voting propensity in the Fifteenth election also was greatly associated with party identification tied in locality. Yet, the result of the Fifteenth Election reflects that there should be something different factors associated with voters' decisions in Seoul. The reasons for such miserable defeat of the opposition parties in that election are as follows: First, the split of the Min-Joo Dang lowered the chance of being elected in each district in Seoul. The split was caused by two conflicting political forces - members in one group following Mr. Lee, Ki-Tack who tried to maintain the party (Min-Joo Dang) and the other led by Mr. Kim, Dae-Jung who broke the party to form a new political party named Sae Jeong Chi Kuk-Min Heoi. The split of the Min-Joo Dang divided voters who otherwise would had voted for the old Min-Joo Dang. The party split conduced to only 19 out of 47 winners in Seoul, even though about 48.7% of total electorates in Seoul voted for either Mr. Lee's new Min-Joo Dang or the Kim's Sae Jeong Chi Kuk-Min Heoi. This means that were it not demolished the old Min-Joo Dang would won 43 seats out of total 47 seats in Seoul area. Second, the infiltration event of North Korean armed agents into the DMZ (Demilitarized Zone) happened in the election season was deliberately exaggerated by the present government and news media in the hand of ruling parties. It led a great number of voters, who have strong aspiration for peace and safety in Korean peninsular, to vote for ruling party (Sin-Han-Kuk Dang) with little exceptions. Third, there was a lower level of voters' turnout(63.9%). In particular, the turnout rate of younger voters was very low (44.1%). The low level of younger generation's political participation is associated with high level of mistrust and apathy on ‘new conservatism’tendency of existing political parties including Sae-Chung-Chi Kuk-Min Heoi. It also has been accelerated by a recently salient backlash movement against political ideology. The lower level of turnout is absolutely unfavorable to opposite parties because, in tradition, younger voters are shown to be more likely to bo progressive and vote for opposite parties rather than conservative parties (i.e., ruling parties). Voting behavior appeared in the both elections, as stated above, should matter much to he forthcoming 1997 presidential election. The ruling party led by Mr. Kim, Young-Sam, which has been self-praised as the ‘first civilian government’in Korean history, secured majority in the legislature through demolishing opposition party and ‘majority-opposition versus minority-ruling party’political power system backed by the people in the 1995 election. In the end the ruling party rushed “labor law”and “security law”bills through the legislature by surprise on 6 o'clock, A.M. in 1996, 12/26. Inaddition, we have good reason to question about the will of the President in office and his Cabinet in dealing with the bankrupt of Han-Bo company that has been benefitted by illegal preferential financing. Han-Bo company committed the absurdity and irrationality to pull the astronomical amout of money (5 trillion 7 thousand billion won) mostly during the era of Y.S. (Kim, Young-Sam)'s presidency.It is a typical example of the corruption of government-business collusion. People believe that the present government and the President in office are not capable of resolving such a wicked anti-democratic government-business connection because of his own political weakness. It is clear that the President in office - Mr. Kim, Young-Sam - cannot keep himself to stand in politically neutral position in executing future national policies and in the forthcoming 1997 presidential election. In words, the present government failed in differentiating itself from ones of ‘notorious’military despotism that have governed Korea in outrageous ways during the past three decades in administering the affairs of state. Again, this phenomenon is attributed to the irresponsibility and the incapability of the President in office and his fellowmen. Finally, it should be noted that the manipulation of press by the party in power is another serious facet of the corruption. All successive governors have tried to use the press for their own interest with no exceptions. They have forced the press to be committed to the corruption for their own interest. This may be termed as “government-press collusion.”Many evidences supporting this argument have been disclosed in a variety of ways in most sectors in our society. Most Koreans worry about that the press will be a help to the President in office and ruling parties in the next election too.

Analysis of extended haplotype in Korean cattle (Hanwoo) population

( Dajeong Lim ),( Bong Hwan Choi ),( Yong Min Cho ),( Han Ha Chai ),( Gul Won Jang ),( Cedric Gondro ),( Yeoung Ho Jeoung ),( Seung Hwan Lee ) 생화학분자생물학회(구 한국생화학분자생물학회) 2016 BMB Reports Vol.49 No.9

Korean cattle (Hanwoo) are categorized into three breeds based on color: brown, brindle, and black. Among these breeds, brown Hanwoo has been subjected to intensive selection to improve meat traits. To identify genetic traces driven by recent selection in brown Hanwoo, we scanned the genomes of brown and brindle Hanwoo using a bovine SNP chip. We identified 17 candidate selection signatures in brown Hanwoo and sequenced four candidate regions from 10 individuals each of brown and brindle Hanwoo. In particular, non-synonymous SNPs in the ADSL gene (K88M, L189H, and R302Q) might have had mutational effects on protein structure as a result of altering the purine pathway during nucleotide breakdown. The ADSL gene was previously reported to affect meat quality and yield in livestock. Meat quality and yield are main breeding goals for brown Hanwoo, and our results support a potential causal influence of non-synonymous SNPs in the ADSL gene. [BMB Reports 2016; 49(9): 514-519]

Market weight, slaughter age, and yield grade to determine economic carcass traits and primal cuts yield of Hanwoo beef

( Ki-mun Kwon ),( Kim Margarette C. Nogoy ),( Hwa-eun Jeon ),( Seung-ju Han ),( Hee-chan Woo ),( Sung-min Heo ),( Hyoung Ki Hong ),( Jae-ik Lee ),( Dong Hoon Lee ),( Seong Ho Choi ) 한국축산학회 2022 한국축산학회지 Vol.64 No.1

This study was conducted to evaluate the relationship among market weight, slaughter age, yield grade, and primal cut yield in Hanwoo. A total of 403 Hanwoo (Korean native cattle) was assessed for carcass traits such as carcass cold weight, backfat thickness, ribeye area, dressing percentage, yield index, and marbling score. The production yield of the individual major primal cuts of Hanwoo beef was also measured. Carcass cold weight, ribeye area, and backfat thickness, which affect meat quality increased with increased market weight (p < 0.05). The production yield of the ten major primal cuts also increased with increased market weight (p < 0.05). In terms of slaughter age, carcass cold weight, ribeye area, and backfat thickness all increased from 25 months to 28-29 months, and the production yield of all prime cuts also increased with increasing slaughter age. According to the meat yield grade, carcass cold weight and backfat thickness increased from grade A to grade C, although the ribeye area was not affected. The combined findings of the study suggest that slaughtering Hanwoo at the weight of 651-700 kg and 701-750 and age of 28.23 and 29.83 months could be desirable to achieve the best quality and quantity grade of Hanwoo beef. However, the positive correlation of carcass cold weight and backfat thickness, and the negative correlation of the yield index according to primal cuts yield indicated that it is necessary to couple the slaughtering management of cattle with improved genetic and breeding method of Hanwoo to increase the production yield of the major prime cuts of Hanwoo beef.

손의 파악력에 대한 연구 고찰

공용구(Yong?Ku Kong),손성태(Seong?Tae Sohn),한준구(Jun?Goo Han) 대한인간공학회 2010 大韓人間工學會誌 Vol.29 No.5

Many researches for grip strengths, using diverse ways such as subject, equipment, posture, method, has been conducted to investigate the differences of grip performance of dominant hand and non-dominant hand. It is hard to conclude, however, with one single or simple answer for this question based on researches due to various findings. Although 'the 10% rule' which is the dominant hand may produces a 10% greater grip strength than the non-dominant hand was often mentioned for this issue, there is still lack of supports for utilizing to general cases. This manuscript provides an overall review on the 53 research papers which were measured grip strengths of dominant as well as non-dominant hand in various conditions. According to this review study, many research findings reported that overall the grip strength differences between dominant and non-dominant hands were 6~10%, regardless of gender and age, followed by 0~5%, 11~15%, and over 16%. More detail information for grip strengths in both hands for gender and age groups were also presented in this study.

Back handspring이 마루運動의 得點에 미치는 影響 : `86 아시안게임 出戰選手를 對象으로

김정한 安東大學 1988 安東大學 論文集 Vol.10 No.1

In this study the effect of "back handspring" on getting points in floor exercises was examined and analyzed. The subjects of the study were the gymnasts who took part in the gymnastics contest of the Asian Games in 1986, representing three high-scored countries-China, Japan and Korea. The following is the results of the study. 1. The Chiness and Korean gymnasts who got gold and silver medals performed "back handspring" more often than the Japanese who got bronze medals. 2. To perform very difficult technique "back handspring" was done with round-off. 3. In performing the first technique and the last one of floor exercises, all the gymnasts performed "back handspring." 4. All the gymnasts from the three countries who performed "back handspring" in the contest chose the techniques over "Difficulty C". Especially Korean athletes tried to perform the technique "Difficulty D". Furthermore, it is know that the kerean technique performed in the middle of the exercise tends the Korean technique performed in the middle of the floor excercises tends to advance rapidly. According to the results of this study, it is concluded that to get good points in floor exercises of gymnastic games, one should recognize the importance of "back handspring", and exercise and perform the techniques correctly.