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      • KCI등재

        A Review of the Social, Cultural, Political and Economic Dimensions of the Senkaku/Diaoyu Island Dispute

        Eduardo Zachary Albrecht(에두아르도 재커리 알브레크트),Betty Chemier(베티 챠미에) 동북아시아문화학회 2014 동북아 문화연구 Vol.1 No.38

        This research will analyze the Senkaku/Diaoyu situation by looking at the relationship between the economic, political, social and cultural aspects of the dispute. The methodology used will be a review of various American, Japanese, Chinese and Korean authors that have written on the dispute. This literature review will allow us a more accurate assessment of the economic, political, social and cultural phenomena that influence the territorial dispute. Finally, this paper will contribute to the literature on the dispute through a discussion on the relationship that exists between the different dimensions, and particularly how each dimension influences the other. Economically, the expected reward is the oil and gas that is believed to be in the disputed area. However, we also find that as tensions over the islands rise, trade relations between the two countries are negatively affected. The need to preserve the economic benefits of trade stops the conflict from ever escalating beyond a certain point. The political relationship has been following a similar dynamic. Despite the use of acrimonious rhetoric, both countries proved willing to co-operate politically whenever the long term relationship was at risk. This leads us to conclude that the bilateral political relationship is largely at the service of the economic and trade relationship that exists between the countries. Yet, from this review, it is clear that what has most contributed to keeping the dispute alive are social and cultural factors and the impact they have on the domestic politics of both countries. Reviewing the economic and diplomatic aspects of the dispute, we often noted that patriotic sentiments have a strong impact on the development of events. The islands are a nationalistic symbol for conservatives in both countries, where politicians often use this symbol for their own domestic political advantages.

      • KCI등재

        인류학연구 -반 세계화운동과 이태리 나폴리 도시

        Eduardo Zachary Albrecht 부산외국어대학교 지중해연구소 2011 지중해지역연구 Vol.13 No.1

        이 논문의 목적은 세계화에 반대하는 운동과 이태리 나폴리 지역에서의 사회적이고 정치적인 전후사정 간의 관계를 규명하는 데 있다. 이 연구에서는 크게 두 가지 질문에 대한 대답을 추구하고 있다. 첫째는 어떻게 나폴리 지역에서의 사회적인 상황들이 지역 내의 항의 운동에 영향을 줄 수 있는가에 대한 것이고, 둘째는 그러한 항의 운동들이 나폴리 도시의 정치적인 상황에 어떤 영향을 미치는가에 대한 것이라고 할 수 있다. 이 두 가지 질문에 대해서 본 논문에서는 세 가지 요인들을 이용해 평가하려고 한다. 첫 번째 요인은 가족, 범죄 그리고 교회의 역할에 대한 것이다. 두 번째 요인은 나폴리 도시에 대한 민족적인 서술과 이 도시의 사회적인 체계이다. 마지막 세 번째 요인은 나폴리 도시에서의 정치적 운동과 저항 운동간의 관계이다. 이러한 질문과 요인들에 대한 본 논문의 결론을 말하자면, 반 세계화운동과 나폴리 지역에서 일어나는 항의 운동 사이에서는 정치적인 결과물이나 연속성을 찾아볼 수 없다는 것이다. 하지만, 나폴리 지역의항의 운동은 젊은 계층들이 참여했다는 점에서 심리학적인 면에서 매우 중요한 역할을 했다고 볼 수 있다. 왜냐하면 그 운동은 나폴리 지역의 젊은 중산층들에게 높은 수준의 범죄율과 권위 있는 위치에 있는 사람들의 부패 그리고 도시 내에서 보편적으로 발생하는 폭력에 대한 그들의 불만과 좌절감을 표현하는 데 일조하고 있다고 할 수 있기 때문이다. 이 연구는 저자가 나폴리에서 2002년 9월부터 2003년 7월까지 약 1년을 보내면서 참여 관찰과 질적 연구 중 하나인 대상자들과의 인터뷰를 통해 이루어졌고, 또한 그 해에 나폴리 도시에서 반세계화 운동으로 조직된 다양한 정치적인 항의운동에 참여하는 것을 통해 이루어졌다. 저자는 항의자들과 매일의 보통 일상생활에서 관계를 맺으면서 조사하였고, 그 기간 동안 도시의 항의자들과 일반 시민들 간의 100개 이상의 인터뷰 자료들을 수집할 수 있었다. 참고문헌들은 인류학과 정치학 두 분야 모두에서 사용되는 것으로 인류학 분야에서는 Italo Pardo and Thomas Belmonte의 연구에서 많은 도움을 받았고, 정치학 분야에서는 Edward Banfield, Isaia Sales and Robert Putnam를 비롯한 많은 여러 학자들의 연구에서 도움을 얻었다.

      • KCI등재

        A Review of the Chinese, Russian, US and EU Strategies in the Korean Peninsula from 2006-2012

        Eduardo Zachary Albrecht 한국동북아학회 2014 한국동북아논총 Vol.19 No.2

        This study attempts to better understand the recent history of the different strategies adopted by four key regional and world players–China, Russia, the US and the EU–toward the Korean Peninsula. It also uses this analysis to infer trends in these strategies, so that we may get a better idea of what to expect in the near future. Since research shows that in the absence of some form of diplomatic and strategic common ground between international actors stability is not likely to be achieved, the research pays particular attention to levels of “trust” between the different parties. The methodology used involves a qualitative examination of the strategic and geopolitical context in which each actor was embedded in from 2006 to 2012, in order to identify what circumstances contributed to better relations and what circumstances did not. In addition, the study’s methodology focuses on events that unfolded in the arena of the UN Security Council (since all four players considered here are represented there) and on UN Security Council resolutions that relate to the security problem of a divided Korea and the issue of weapons proliferation. The study comes to the following conclusion. Every time a Security Council resolutions responded to the long-term strategic interests of the larger regional players, periods of relative calm and trust ensued. In particular, any arrangement that (a) allowed China to further its role as a major stakeholder in the region or (b) allowed the US to advance the case for its continued military presence in Japan and South Korea would, quite interestingly, increase the level of mutual trust between the different players. We find therefore that arrangements (a) and (b) are not necessarily in contradiction to each other.

      • KCI등재
      • KCI등재

        Alter-globalization in Southern Europe: The Case of a Social Movement that Does Not Move

        Eduardo Zachary Albrecht 부산외국어대학교 지중해지역원 2017 The Mediterranean Review Vol.10 No.2

        This paper introduces the politics of the Alter-globalization movement in Greece, Spain, and Italy through a series of interviews and vignettes from the field, and locates the movement within the broader socio-political spectrum. The movement is found to have an uneasy relationship to power due to a paradox between its rhetoric and the actual material interests of its adherents. The paper also explores the relationship between activists and society and finds that the movement occupies a ritualistic and liminal space. It is concluded that this dynamic risks undermining civic participation in democratic processes.

      • KCI등재

        The Italian Labor Market; An Appraisal of the 2003 Biagi Law

        ( Eduardo Zachary Albrecht ) 부산외국어대학교 지중해지역원 2012 The Mediterranean Review Vol.5 No.1

        This article looks at the major historical developments in the Italian labor market, with specific attention given to the ``Biagi Law`` that attempted to reform it in 2003. The name refers to Professor Marco Biagi, who was advising the government on the reforms at the time. The article will explore whether the objectives of the reforms were eventually achieved. This question will be addressed using an historical-descriptive methodology that focuses on the social and political context. The article concludes that the Biagi Law is only part of a much longer reform process that has been unfolding since at least the mid-1980s. This process is nowhere near completion today, and, especially in the case of the Biagi Law, has met with much resistance from state and non-state actors. The article uses data on unemployment figures in Italy and in the OECD in the decade from 2000 to 2010.

      • KCI등재

        Antonio Gramsci`s Political Philosophy and European Integration: A Review of Competing Perspectives in Contemporary Italy

        ( Eduardo Zachary Albrecht ) 부산외국어대학교 지중해연구소 2013 The Mediterranean Review Vol.6 No.2

        This paper reviews competing contemporary perspectives on the political philosophy of Antonio Gramsci and relates them to the analysis of European integration today. The first part of the paper looks at the different conceptualizations of Gramsci`s thought as set out by two contemporary Gramsci experts in Italy, Marcello Montanari and Francesca Izzo. The second part of the paper considers which of the competing perspectives may be best suited for understanding the current political situation in Europe, and concludes that Montanari`s conceptualization is more relevant to this task. That conceptualization is then used to critically assess the current state of European integration; and, in particular, the role of member state governments, the emphasis on economic integration, and the preeminence of centralized institutions in directing the process of integration.

      • KCI등재

        Experiences of State, Family and Body Amongst North Korean Defectors Living in Seoul

        Eduardo Zachary Albrecht(에두아르도 재커리 알브레크트) 동북아시아문화학회 2011 동북아 문화연구 Vol.1 No.26

        This paper will investigate the experiences of individuals who have escaped North Korea and that now find themselves in the dramatically changed environment of South Korea. The methodology used involved conducting a small number of in-depth, open ended interviews with recently escaped refugees. From the explanations collected in this paper it emerges that the experience of defecting from North Korea is similar to the experience of leaving a large family. In addition, this family is cast as a ‘corporate’ entity, in terms of it being like a large ‘human’ body. The hypothesis is that leaving the country is like leaving the family, which is like damaging the integrity of the human body. In this paper we find that the subjects interviewed, in fact, metaphorically connected their health problems and physical hardships to the fact that they left their families and country. To adapt to their new home country and recoup their wellbeing, therefore, the refugees must also seek to regain a sense of familial ties.

      • KCI등재

        미얀마의 민주화와 굿거버넌스

        에두아르도 자카리 알브레트(Eduardo Zachary Albrecht),아미트 아로라(Amit Arora) 한국부패학회 2014 한국부패학회보 Vol.19 No.1

        이 논문은 현재 미안마의 민주개혁에서 대해 살펴보고, 실행하려는 “굿거버넌스”를 평가하여 이것들이 모든 시민들에게 영향이 미칠 수 있는 지 알아보려고 한다. 유엔경제사회위원회는 아시아와 태평양연안의 나라 들을 위해 굿거버너스는 공정하고 소수민족들의 입장도 포함하여야 한다고 정의했다. 논문의 방법론은 역사 적인 관점에서 묘사되었다. 이론적인 프레임워크는 Acemoglu and Robinson's의 회의 기관-나라의 발전 전 망에서 파생되었다. 논문은 국가의 제도변경에 대한 다양한 학자들의 견해를 바탕으로 작성되었다. 이것은 두 단계를 걸쳐 완성되었으며, 첫 번째 단계는 미얀마의 정치적인 역사를 통해 이루어졌으며, 두 번째 단계 는 현재의 정치적인 상황에 맞춰 작성되었다. 논문은 국가가 제도적인 변화를 부인할 수 없는 반면, 소수민 족(총 인구의 약 1/3) 에 대한 조건은 전혀 개선되고 있지 않은 현실을 찾아낸다. 몇몇의 상황들은 외국자본 의 유입증가로 인해 상황이 더 악화되었고, 이것은 정부의 공모를 통한 소수민족에 대한 토지수용 결과를 낳았다. 개인재산권에 대한 묵살은 미얀마에서 개혁되고 있는 굿거버넌스가 좋은 방향으로 이끌어 지기에는 힘 들 것으로 보인다는 결론으로 맺는다. This paper looks at the current democratic reforms in Burma and seeks to appraise if practices of “good governance” are in fact being enacted for all its citizens. The United Nations Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific defines good governance as being equitable, inclusive and taking into account the views of minorities. The methodology used is that of historical description. The theoretical framework is derived from Acemoglu and Robinson's institution-centric view of state development. The paper will therefore piece together a picture of institutional changes in the country through a review of the work of a variety of scholars. This is done in two steps, the first deals with the political history of Burma, the second looks at the current political reforms. The paper finds that while it is undeniable that the country is experiencing changes in its institutions, conditions for the ethnic minorities (approximately 1/3 of the total population) have not ameliorated. In some cases conditions have been made worse by the appearance of increased foreign capital, which has resulted in the expropriation of land from minority communities through government complicity. This disregard for individual property rights leads us to conclude that despite the reforms the road toward good governance in Burma is still uphill.

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