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      • Promoting Public Value Through International Organization

        Brendan Howe(Brendan Howe ) 한국공공가치학회 2023 공공가치연구 Vol.5 No.-

        Purpose: This article explores the evolution of practical global governance measures aimed at promoting public values in an anarchic (in the sense of without government) international operating environment. The process of international organization has occupied a central position in the discourse, and the physical manifestations of various formal international organizations and informal institutions have provided practical experiments in policy implementation. From the starting point of the universal lowest common denominator of values generated by an overlapping consensus of competing epistemological traditions (that of avoiding interstate war), the process of international organization has gradually expanded to embrace non-traditional security public values. Middle powers have played a key role in the expansion of the global governance paradigm, and aspirations for more comprehensive public value generation. The centrality of multilateralism and the roles of middle powers have, however, increasingly come under pressure from the realities of great power contestation in the international operating environment. The relatively new “minilateral” manifestations of international organization are also demonstrated as coming up short when providing public value promotion. This article, therefore, asks and attempts to answer the central global governance question of how can public values be promoted in the international operating environment in the absence of a central governing authority? Method: This research project used a qualitative approach consisting of literature review and document analysis. The results of this study should be supplemented by quantitative and qualitative studies in the future. The literature review consists of a comprehensive assessment of scholarly academic publications from competing perspectives in the fields of political and moral philosophy, public administration, and international relations. The document survey is mainly related to the policy documentation output of national governments and international organizations, as well as media reports. Results: The research identifies how new practical challenges to established multilateral manifestations of international organization and the global normative aspirations of middle powers, as well as shortcomings of the more recent minilateral arrangements require radical out of the box thinking. Hence, new modalities and conceptualizations are proposed to address the challenges of public value provision through the process of international organization. These include non-traditional security minilaterals, regional international commissions, and a central role for the new conceptualization of “second-tier” powers. Conclusion: Global public values are generated at the international level, in the absence of global government, through the process of international organization. Various models of practical manifestation of the related theoretical concepts have been proposed, and have been implemented, with varying degrees of success. In a time of increased great power contestation, however, multilateral institutions and middle powers, their chief proponents, have been undermined. The proliferation of minilaterals and minilateralism has proven to be an inadequate procedural replacement. Hence the need to explore additional agencies of “disruptive innovation.”

      • KCI등재

        Implementation of the enhanced recovery after surgery protocol for radical cystectomy patients: A single centre experience

        Brendan A. Yanada,Brendan H. Dias,Niall M. Corcoran,Homayoun Zargar,Conrad Bishop,Sue Wallace,Diana Hayes,James G. Huang 대한비뇨의학회 2024 Investigative and Clinical Urology Vol.65 No.1

        Purpose: The enhanced recovery after surgery (ERAS) protocol for radical cystectomy aims to facilitate postoperative recovery and hasten a return to normal daily activities. This study aims to report on the perioperative outcomes of implementation of an ERAS protocol at a single Australian institution. Materials and Methods: We identified 73 patients with pT1–T4 bladder cancer who underwent open radical cystectomy at Western Health, Victoria between June 2016 and August 2021. A retrospective analysis of a prospectively maintained database was performed. Perioperative outcomes included length of hospital stay, nasogastric tube requirement and duration of postoperative ileus. Results: The median age was 74 years (interquartile range [IQR] 66–78) for the ERAS group and 70 years (IQR 65–78) for the pre-ERAS group patients. All patients in each group underwent ileal conduit formation. The median length of hospital stay was 7.0 days (IQR 7.0–9.3) for the ERAS group and 12.0 days (IQR 8.0–16.0) for the pre-ERAS group (p=0.003). Within the ERAS group, 25.0% had a postoperative ileus, and 25.0% had a nasogastric tube inserted, compared with 64.9% (p=0.001) and 45.9% (p=0.063) respectively within pre-ERAS group. The median bowel function recovery time, defined as duration from surgery to first bowel action, was 5.0 days (IQR 4.0–7.0) in the ERAS group and 7.5 days (IQR 5.0–8.5) in the pre-ERAS group (p=0.016). Conclusions: Implementation of an ERAS protocol is associated with a reduction in hospital length of stay, postoperative ileus and bowel function recovery time.

      • KCI등재

        특 집 논 문 : 도시의 시대와 그 불만

        브랜던글리슨 ( Brendan Gleeson ) 서울시립대학교 도시인문학연구소 2015 도시인문학연구 Vol.7 No.2

        바야흐로 도시의 시대이다. 근대화 과정의 핵심에 있던 도시화 계획은 놀라울 정도의 발전을 거두었다. 그러나 이러한 발전에도 불구하고 도시의 시대에 인류의 미래에는 어두운 그늘이 드리워져 있다. 그 근거는 어디에서 찾을 수 있을 것인가? 환경이 파괴되고 경제가 몰락하는 소리가 도시의 시대 너머로 들리고 있다. 지젝이 말한 ‘묵시록의 기수’가 위험에 처한 근대성에 대해 경고하고 있지만 주의를 기울이는 이들은 많지 않다. 정치 이론가 한나 아렌트는 가장 심각한 위기의 순간에도 갱생을 꿈꿀 수 있는 인간의 능력에 대한 신념을 지니고 있었다. 아렌트는 인간의 ‘탄생성’, 즉 언제나 새로운 발전의 가능성을 열어놓는 죽음과 다시 태어남의 끊임없는 순환에서 희망을 보았다. 아렌트가 맞는다면, 우리는 죽어가는 산업적 근대성이 곧 새로이 태어나야만 할 위급한 시기를 앞에 두고 있다. 기후 변화의 위협 앞에 과학자들은 ‘운명의 시계’를 자정 2분전까지 당겨놓았다. 영국 과학자 제임스 러브록이 예견했던 끔찍한 ‘후세’는 이미 도래해 있다. 아렌트의 탄생성은 정치적 질서 대신 전지구적 자본주의가 지배하고 있는 불모의 질서 안에 존재하지 않는 것처럼 보인다. 신자유주의의 ‘어두운 탄생성’, 긴축 정부와 반과학은 아렌트도 예상하지 못했던 인류의 죽음 충동을 드러내는 듯하다. 이러한 상황에서 조금이라도 낙관주의를 꿈꿀 수 있을까? 오직 파괴의 확실성을 끌어안는 것만이 미래를 받아들이는 유일한 길일 것이다. 그렇다면, 현재의 폐허 뒤에는 무엇이 놓여 있는가? 이는 작금의 힘겨운 변화 과정에서 우리가 무엇을 배울 수 있는지, 그리고 이 배운 바를 인간의 재건을 위해 어떻게 써야 할지에 분명 달려 있다. 필자는 이것이 근대성의 이상과 가능성을 부정하는 것이 아니라 새롭게 함을 의미한다고 주장한다. 우리에게 근대적 이상의 중심에 놓여 있는 ‘좋은 도시’가 무엇인지 기술할 수 있는 용기가, 더 중요하게는 상상력이 있는가? 이것은 산업적 근대성이 성취하지 못한 ‘도시의 공기가 우리를 자유롭게 한다’는 오래된 도시의 약속을 재인식하는 일일 것이다. 나는 미래 세계에 도시의 공기가 우리를 자유롭게 할 수 있지만 오직 ‘성장 이후’의 세계에서만 가능함을 주장한다. 현재의 생태학적 (그리고 인간의) 위기에서 배울 수 있는 교훈은 성장 중심의 경제는 자연적 필요와 결코 공존할 수 없다는것이다. 아렌트가 근대성의 근본적인 원리라고 생각했던 의구심의 중요성을 복권시켜야만 한다. 제멋대로의 테크노크라시적(的)인 지식과 권력을 생산한 근대성은 그 이름의 진정한 의미에서의 근대성이 아니었다. 우리가 진정한 근대인이 될 수 있는 기회가 다가오는 세계에 열려 있다. (국문초록 번역: 정희원, 서울시립대학교 도시인문학연구소 HK교수) An urban age has been declared and celebrated by global institutions and in expert commentary. There is triumph in the air. To be sure, the urbanisation project that has been central to modernisation has reached new level of species’ significance. And yet, despite the enthusiasm of experts, the new urban ascendancy also marks a dangerous unravelling of human prospect. But where is this acknowledged? The testimonies of environmental and economic collapse struggle to be heard above the chorusing of the urban age. ‘The Horsemen of the Apocalypse’(Slavoj zizek) are the unheeded town criers of an endangered modernity. The political theorist Hannah Arendt had faith in the human capacity for renewal,even in the face of the gravest epochal dangers. For her, hope lay in the fact of human ‘natality’, the endless cycle of death and rebirth that always opens new possibilities for flourishing. If this is true, we await the rebirth of a dying industrial modernity with great urgency. Acknowledging the immense unchecked threat of climate change, science has recently reset the ‘Doomsday Clock’, two minutes closer to midnight.1) The awful ‘next world’ foreseen by British scientist James Lovelock is already upon us. Arendt’s natality seems absent in the arid post-political order of global capitalism. The ‘dark natalities’ of neo-liberalism, austerity governance and anti-science suggest a species death wish that even Arendt did not anticipate. What are the grounds for any optimism at all? Perhaps only by embracing the certainty of destruction can a future be entertained. Even so, what lies beyond the ruins of the present? It surely depends upon what we learn from the current terrible transition and how we use this knowledge in quest for human reconstruction. I argue that this means renewing not rejecting the ideals and possibilities of modernity. Do we have the courage and, more importantly, the imagination to describe the ‘good city’ which surely lay at the heart of the modern ideal? This would recognise the old urban promise-stadt luft macht frei (‘city air makes us free’)- that industrial modernity failed to deliver. I argue that city air can make us free again in the next world but only in a ‘post-growth’ world. One lesson to be learned from the present ecological (and human) crisis is that an economy hard wired to growth can never be made compatible with natural necessity. We must also reinstate the importance of doubt, which Arendt recognised as a fundamental postulate of modernity. Modernities which produced unrestrained technocratic knowledge and power were not modernities in the true sense of the name. In the next world we have the chance to be true moderns.

      • KCI등재

        Continuity and Change: Evolution, Not Revolution, in Japan’s Foreign and Security Policy Under the DPJ

        Brendan M. Howe,Joel R. Campbell 경남대학교 극동문제연구소 2013 ASIAN PERSPECTIVE Vol.37 No.1

        In this article, we address four common, often contradictory misconceptions concerning Japanese foreign and security policy. First, Japan’s strategic “normalization” is dangerous. Second, Japan is incapable of having a “normal” policy. Third, Japan is about to become “normal.” Fourth, foreign and security policy under the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) will differ radically from what it was for fifty years under the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP). We contend that Japan is not a threat; that it has a security policy, but not one that fits well with Western models; and that Japan’s security policy is changing, gradually not radically, and is not becoming just like the West’s

      • SSCISCOPUSKCI등재
      • Politicidal Violence and the Problematics of Localized Memory at Civilian Massacre Sites: The Cheju 4.3 Peace Park and the Kŏch'ang Incident Memorial Park

        Brendan Wright 고려대학교 민족문화연구원 2015 Cross-Currents Vol.- No.14

        This article examines two South Korean sites dedicated to the remembrance of Korean War–era civilian massacres, the Cheju 4.3 Peace Park and the Kŏch’ang Incident Memorial Park. Specifically, the article explores the sites’ localized, victim-centric epistemology as one that counters nationalist discourses and narratives that privilege the state. While acknowledging that these sites offer a physical mnemonic space for challenging the hegemonic “June 25” (yugio) narrative, the author suggests that, in their narrow spatial and ideological orientation, these sites cumulatively fall short of offering a cohesive narrative of the politicidal, anti-Communist statebuilding project of which they are a consequence. Though of tremendous value in restoring victims’ honor, critiquing human rights abuses of the Republic of Korea, and giving a voice to marginalized groups, these spaces fail to provide historical clarity to a distorted era of South Korea’s past. In addressing this problematic, the article examines the role of family bereavement associations, narrative constructions, and the silencing of the National Guidance League Incident at these locations.

      • KCI등재

        Human Security and Development: Divergent Approaches to Burma/Myanmar

        Brendan M. Howe,장수연 인하대학교 국제관계연구소 2013 Pacific Focus Vol.28 No.1

        This paper contends that the human security/development nexus lies at the heart of contemporary approaches to peace-building and development. The paper addresses not only the consequences of human security policy prioritization as a development objective by Canada and Japan, but also the hypothesis that different understandings or interpretations of human security are reflected differently in the policy domain. Burma/Myanmar, one of the least developed, and, in terms of human security, most vulnerable states in the world, is used as a case study to address these different policy implementations.

      • KCI등재

        Japanese ‘War Legislation’: International and Domestic Threat Assessment

        Brendan Howe M (사) 이준국제법연구원 2016 Journal of East Asia and International Law Vol.9 No.1

        The two Japanese security laws which came into force on March 29, 2016, have faced severe domestic and international criticism. They are seen as representing a dramatic policy change in violation of due process and international norms, and representing a threat to international peace and security. This paper finds that while the direct implications of the “war” legislation are neither threatening nor without precedent, what the legislative process says about the nature of governance under Abe is deeply troubling. The disdain shown by the Abe administration to due process and constitutional procedures is what threatens domestic and international governance stability.

      • KCI등재

        The Fukushima Nuclear Disaster and the Challenges of Japanese Democratic Governance

        Brendan M. Howe,Jennifer Sejin Oh 한국학술연구원 2013 Korea Observer Vol.44 No.3

        This article examines the challenges of democratic governance in Japan through the case of the Fukushima nuclear disaster on March 2011. Institutionally, the Japanese people lack access to nuclear policy-making. Major political parties fail to heed the voice of the people while an iron triangle of pro-nuclear bureaucrats, politicians and power industries dominate nuclear policy-making. Japanese civil society has remained quiescent for too long and now lacks the capacity effectively to shape nuclear policies. Even recent civil activism and new mechanisms of democratic governance fall short in enhancing the role of civil society in shaping Japan’s nuclear agenda. The article concludes with a discussion on the prospects of improved democratic governance in Japan.

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