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구광모 ( Kwang Mo Koo ) 중앙대학교 국가정책연구소 2011 국가정책연구 Vol.25 No.3
일제는 조선 문학인을 검열과 강제동원의 대상으로 인식했다. 그러나 친일반민족진상규명위원회는 문학인들이 지적 지도층 역할을 수행했음에도 불구하고 일제의 선전·선동의 앞잡이가된 것은 강제동원의 피해자가 아니라 가해자라는 관점을 지닌 것으로 나타난다. 이에 따라 문학계에 대해서는 보다 강화된 기준을 적용하여 선전과 선동에 가담한 문학인을 적극 추출하려는 자세가 보인다. 따라서 이 연구는 문학인이 해당된 친일반민특별법 법호의 집행을 연구대상으로 하여, 집행결과의 적실성과 소망성, 조사기준 설정의 적합성과 적절성, 조사기준 적용의 일관성과 공평성 등을 분석함으로써 향후 정부차원의 정책평가 단계에서 재검토되어야 할 정책고려사항들을 제시하고 있다. 또한 문학인에 대해서 타 부문(정치, 통치기구, 경제·사회) 및 타 예술분야와 동일한 기준이 적용되었을 경우에 친일반민족행위자로 결정된 31명 문학인은 2명 내지 10명 이내로 축소될 수 있는 대안이 가능했음을 알린다. The Japanese Empire perceived the Korean literati merely as a target for compulsive censorship and mobilization during its colonial rule of Korea(1910-1945). However, in the eyes of the Korean Presidential Committee for the Inspection of Collaboration in Japanese Imperialism, many of the Korean literati during the Japanese invasion became instigators and advocates of pro-Japanese propaganda because the committee viewed them as a group of perpetrators rather than victims of mobilization and as the sector by applying greatly intensified standards to probe. Such a viewpoint of the committee in 2009 made it identify the literati to be the group most responsible for implementing Japanese policies regarding conscripts, student soldiers, volunteer soldiers and forced draftees, and also leading the internal harmonization and assimilation movements. Therefore, this study focuses on the implementation of the Special Law pertaining to the literati by analyzing the relevance and desirability of the implementation results, the appropriateness and adequacy of the investigation criteria, and the rationality, consistency and equity in the application of the investigation criteria. In doing so, it offers policy issues which must be considered and reviewed by the government during its policy assessment stage in the future.
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具光謨(Kwang-Mo Koo) 중앙대학교 법학연구원 1984 法學論文集 Vol.9 No.-
Governments inevitably balance competing objectives in dealing with a hostage situation. They may want to (1) appear in control, (2) make no concessions, (3) save the hostages, (4) apprehend the terrorists, (5) minimize political damage, and (6) avoid appearing callous and inhumane, During the course of an episode, these objectives may shift, making it difficult to maintain a single policy line. Korean Government has announced the policy of no concessions to terrorist blackmail, no ransom or release of prisoners in response to terrorist demands. In other words, there will be no bargaining for the release of hostages and will be only acceptable discussion and dialogue with terrorists holding hostages. A tough line is essential, but it must have a built-in flexibility to provide decision makers with policy options to fit differing situations and varying degrees of crisis intensity. There can be a delicate threshold between dialogue and negotiating. Humanitarian considerations, international political pressures, the weight of national political opinion, the strengths and weaknesses of a terrorist group and the threat it poses can all be important factors affecting a decision that must be made with extreme urgency. Many forms of international and transnational terrorism confront the authorities with a complex, multiparty negotiating problem. This study, therefore, is to guide persuading strategies for authorities confronted by terrorists holding hostages. This study examined trends and patterns in hostage-taking, and the case of Black September’s bloody attempt to disrupt pease negotiations during the Olympic games in 1972. With this case study , six stages are suggested in the persuading procedure: (1) exploratory contacts (2) coordinated delay and information analyses (3) introductory negotiations in earnest (4) psychological shaping and trade-offs (5) bargaining in bed faith (6) storming of the hostages’ locations. This prescriptions are ultimately based in the brief that control over pace and procedure can engender control over the substance of outcomes.
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구광모 ( Kwang Mo Koo ) 한국비교문학회 2010 比較文學 Vol.51 No.-
This study is to review the hypothesis that the works of "Monsieur Lichan"(李箱; 1910~1937) were or might be influenced literally by some Japanese writers, especia1ly Ryunosuke Akutagawa(芥川龍之介; 1892~1927) and to evaluate the validity of research processes related with the hypothesis. "Monsieur Lichan" is a western-styled name that the writer not only has given by himself but also has exhibited readers tacitly in his novel, A Darkroom on the Map(<地圖의 暗室>). According to this statement of the writer that has been known as Lee Sang, Sang Lee or Yi Sang(the Korean pen name of the writer, Mr. Hae-kyung KIM), this English `abstract` suggests that "Monsieur Lichan" would be his western pen name that the writer has wanted tacitly. This study finds that the influences of Japanese writers, especially Akutagawa, on the works and life of "Monsieur Lichan" have been exaggerated generally with tunnel visions or inappropriate premises on the articles published by some experts, especially some scholars majored in Japanese Literature and on the theses which published for the degrees by graduate students. This study finds that comparative studies on the works of "Monsieur Lichan" have been emphasized on affinities with Japanese writers on the 1910s~1930s. The through investigation, however, shows the most of affinities turns out the differences on a common current in the literary world or the kinds of allegories in a broad sense. It could have established no influence, because influence presupposes some manner of causality beyond affinity. Moreover, there are a pool of originality, creativity, and experimentation on the works of "Monsieur Lichan". Those comparative studies, however, have failed or shirked out revealing them.
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