「南朝鮮革命」論의 思想的 基礎와 戰略的 方針에 관한 硏究 : 특히 「3大革命力量强化」論을 中心으로

梁榮植 건국대학교 1987 論文集 Vol.25 No.1

In the course of opening new era to pursue peaceful unification, we today encounter with two th-reatening factors which by all means should be overcome. One of the factors is anti-democracy en-croaching upon our social structure, and the other is north Korea's threatening strategy designed to carry out revolution in the south. Heedless to say, we are obliged to take a proper step to overcome these threats with firm grasp of their true natures. This paper focuses on analysing north Korea's strategy of "the south Korean revolution", a th-reatening factor to the south. North Korea has net regarded the relation beween the south and the north as the one between brethren, who will be eventually reunited in conciliatory way, but the relation between "the re-volutionary forces" committed to injustice and "the counter-revolutionary forces" to justice. Strictly speaking, north Korea's call for reunifiction for Korea is nothing but lip-service and is con-sidered merely a dependent means to unify this country by instigating communist revolution in the south. In other words, north Korea's call for "reunification of fatherland" is not designed to simply unify this artificially divided country, but pursue complete communication and expedite the ultimate victory of the Korean revolution resorting to violence. North Korea's strategy of "the south Korean revolution" is bound to be systematized and developed into the framework of revolutionary line of anti-peace and nation, since the north has been recklessly stuck to violent revolution and class consciousness. Kim Il-sung advocates the consolidation of "the three kinds of revolutionary forces" as a basic st-rategy in a bid to materialize south Korean revolution. They are "the revolutionary forces of north Korea", "the revolutionary forces of south Korea" and "the international revolutionary forces". Revolutionary forces of north Korea, as a leading and a decisive forces among the three, will be-come a revolutionary base for the achievement of "south Korean revolution". The strengthening of the revolutionary forces of north Korea could be regarded as an attacking forces against the south under the pretext fo supporting the revolutionary forces of south Korea, while securing the structure of Kim Il-sung's leadership and the Workers' Party of Korea. Kim Il-sung regards the revolutionary forces of south Korea as a part of main forces and an el-ement to be consolidated with the revolutionary forces of north Korea in the course of ma-terializing Korean revolution at decisive moment. It could be taken for Kim's expression that if the nature of Marxist-Leninist revolutionary party playing a key role for the victory of the south Ko-rean revolution as an vanguard and a political counselor in revolutionary struggle can not be le-galized, he can not help but employ the tactics of underground operation. In fact, the strengthening the revolutionary forces of south Korea, an alter ego of the Workers' Party of Korea, is designed to form and command main forces of the revolution by mobilizing under-ground organization as a main element in the South, and to form a broad "Anti-U.S. United Front" to drive the U.S. forces out of south Korea by employing the tactics of United Front comprising every revolutionary element available. The Strengthening of struggle potential to carry out "People's Democratic Revolution" by instigating an anti-government massive popular uprising in the south is also taken into account. Kim Il-sung regards the international revolutionary forces as an international supporting forces for the achievement of both the south Korean revolution and the Korean revolution as a whole. With due regard to strengthening of the three kinds of revolutionary forces as a basis of north Korea's strategy of revolution in the south, entire northern half of the Korean peninsula seems to be utilized as a principal base of revolution, and it is not too much to say that the revolutionary forces of north Korea, in fact, should be regarded as an offensive weapon committed to indirect invasion of the south. The revolutionary forces of south Korea is a leading element among others and is mobilized in the invasion of south Korea as an indirect aggression forces by taking advantage of vulnerable points of our society. What is of prime importance here is to work out a countermeasures to cope with dual challenges designed in north Korea's strategy of south Korean revolution. In general, the following three countermeasures could be considered. First, we must seize exact essence and threatening factor implied in north Korea's strategy of south Korean revolution and brace up our strong will for the safeguard of freedom. Second, we must foster our military and economic powers utilized as deterent mechanism to block north Korea's direct military provocation, while solidifying our will for the safeguard of freedom through the establishment of sound national conciliation to dissipate indirect threat caused by political conflict at home. Third, we must be well prepared to cope with north Korea's plot to agitate our social order in such way as toadstool taking root in moldy by simply taking advantage of social vulnerability. Like social revolution has never set foot in any place of the world in the past contrary to Marxist idea, communist revolution would not take place in the south when individual freedom, democracy, well-being and national conciliation soundly prevail there. This is the valuable lesson we have learned from the history.

Eugene Ionesco의 Rhinceros에 잇어서 參與와 反抗

梁永湜 成均館大學校 大學院 1987 首善論集 Vol.12 No.1

대덕연구개발특구의 관련 법령과 발전 전략의 문제점

양영식 충남대학교 경상대학 경영경제연구소 2006 경영경제연구 Vol.28 No.2

포괄적이고 종합적인 지원 법규의 성격을 갖는 “특구법령”의 시행에는 막대한 자원이 소요되는 바, 소요되는 자원의 확보와 자원의 효율적 이용에 관한 법적 장치가 반드시 필요하다. 이 법의 배경이 되고 있는 ‘지역혁신을 통한 국가균형발전’의 실행의 바탕이 되고 있는 ‘선택과 집중’(selection and focusing)의 논리에 비추어 보더라도, 법경제학적 분석을 바탕으로 지원이 유인을 제공할 수 있는 정교한 보상·제재시스템을 개발하여, 그 결과를 본법 및 시행령의 개정에 반영하여야 한다. 특구 육성계획은 벤처생태계 조성과 글로벌 환경구축을 양축으로 하여 수립되어 있으며, 특히 벤처생태계 조성이 육성계획의 핵심으로 되어 있다. 그러므로, 육성계획이 실효성을 확보하기 위하여는 무엇보다도 벤처생태계의 개념이 확립되지 않으면 안 된다. 또한, 연구소기업의 창업을 통한 혁신의 수행이 효율적이 되는 조건을 도출하고, 이러한 조건을 충족하는 경우에 한하여 지원하여야 할 것이다. “특구 기관 간 연구협력 활성화 방안 및 교류협력 체계 구축 연구”에서 ‘협동연구 환경 구축방안’으로 제시된 협동연구센터 설치·운영은 그것만으로는 실효를 기대하기 어렵다. 상이한 조직에 소속되어 있는 연구원들을 연계시켜 적임의 구성원으로 편성되는 협동연구팀을 생성할 수 있도록 하는 시스템을 고안하는 것이 무엇보다도 중요한 과제이다.

남북관계 : 남북대화의 과정을 본다 -7,4 공동성명부터 직통전화단절까지-

양영식 평화문제연구소 1984 통일한국 Vol.10 No.-

韓國의 物價構造와 巨視經濟政策의 效果

梁英植 충남대학교 경영경제연구소 1982 경상논집 Vol.4 No.2

대기업집단정책의 쟁점 및 경쟁정책과의 연관성

양영식 ( Young Shik Yang ) 한국산업조직학회 2006 産業組織硏究 Vol.14 No.3

대덕연구개발특구의 관련 법령과 발전 전략의 문제점

양영식 충남대학교 경영경제연구소 2006 경영경제연구 Vol.29 No.2

공정거래법 체계와 경쟁제한행위 시정의 논점

양영식(Young Shik Yang) 충남대학교 경영경제연구소 2011 경영경제연구 Vol.33 No.2

공정거래법의 핵심적 실체규정의 체계를 규제 대상을 기준으로 분석하고 법 체계의 문제점과 기업결합·공동행위 규제 조항의 문제점을 지적하였다. 그리고, 최근의 기업결합 심결 사례와 공동행위 심결 사례를 검토하여 기업결합 심결 사례에 대하여 문제점을 지적하고 공동행위 법적용상의 쟁점을 논의하였다. 끝으로, 1970년대 이후의 미국의 독점금지정책의 전반적 흐름의 변화와 공동행위 규제에 대한 신산업조직론의 함의를 바탕으로 기업결합 규제와 공동행위 규제를 중심으로 하는 경쟁정책 운용의 방향을 제시하였다. The framework of core substantive clauses of ‘Monopoly Regulation and Fair Trade Act’ was analysed to be composed of three categories of clauses providing control toward market structure, market conduct and large business groups. It was argued that among three categories only first two clauses are connected to competition policy. And some problems in clauses providing control toward M&A and collusive actions were indicated. Also some issues of decisions by Korea FTC on the recent cases of M&A and collusive actions were raised. Finally future courses of competition policy were suggested on the basis of the issues raised above, the recent overall changes in U. S. antitrust policy and the implications of new industrial organization theory.

[시론] "대북정책 기상도를 바꿔라"

양영식 평화문제연구소 2011 통일한국 Vol.335 No.-

Arthur M. Okun, Prices and Quantities: A Macroeconomic Analysis

梁英植(서평자) 충남대학교 경영경제연구소 1983 경상논집 Vol.5 No.1