French National Security Policy: Gaullist Vision on NATO

허만(Mane Heo) 한국유럽학회 2001 유럽연구 Vol.14 No.-

유로코뮤니즘의 理論的 特性

許漫(Mane Heo) 한국정치학회 1984 한국정치학회보 Vol.18 No.-

EU 중앙체제와 회원국과의 Linkage 관계

허만(Mane Heo),이갑수(Kap Soo Lee),이종원(Jong Won Lee),문진영(Jin Yong Moon) 한국유럽학회 1999 유럽연구 Vol.9 No.-

The EU is nearing political integration, although still not perfect in function and system, through the long economic and monetary integration process. The EU is gone through the integration at the level of sharing competence and public power between the EU center and its member states. The integration process has developed a peculiar European federalism composed of the EU center, its member states and its regions. In a political point of view, this European federalism largely depends on how the principle of subsidiarity and the federal loyalty work. In the regional economic sector, the EU has faced the regional economic growth between member states. As it has made its economic growth., its gravity has turned to the favor of the central, but not to the peripheral. The EU center should thus play a positive linkage role in order that both the central and peripheral should make equitable economic growth. In this sense, the ERDP is the key to this growth. With regard to the economic and monetary areas, the EBC has the right to drive the EMU continuously by playing linkage role between itself and national central banks. The management of foreign exchange is well expected to be centralized, but the ECB should intervene with it for the purpose of decentralizing it and ensure the efficiency of management of foreign exchange. As a result, the EBC will also assure its linkage in the management of monetary. As far as the social dimension is concerned, the Maastricht Treaty has made another enhanced development. It come to set the principle of "implementation by consensus". This principle arrived at solving more efficiently conflicts in social and labor areas. However, these conflicts still remain to be further managed by the principle. In short, the EU is faced with the challenge, linkage role at the level of politics, economy, monetary and society. The EU center should play an equitable linkage role, whatever it may be, which is aimed to make the region`s social, economic and monetary development. Such a development will in no way damage national sovereignty of member states. This will make it realistically possible to function the peculiar European federalism.

유럽연합의 통합정치와 그 경험

허만(Heo Mane) 한국프랑스문화학회 1997 한국프랑스문화학회 학술발표논문집 Vol.1997 No.3

韓國의 北方外交政策의 再造明과 展望 : 積極的 平和의 摸索과 관련하여

許漫 부산대학교 사회과학대학 1987 社會科學論叢 Vol.6 No.1

The world has met an ever-changing security environment, and in particular the big four power-the U.S. and PRC, the USSR, and Japan-have intensively focused on their national interests and security. But their struggle for these aims have been pursued within the interdependent system. It means that the Korean peninsula located at the heart of North-East Asia has been the object of confrontation, on one hand, and dialogue and cooperation, on the other. From a geo-strategic viewpoint, the Korean peninsula is now in a semi-detente state from a ceaseless confrontation to an intermittent dialogue. In a sense of power politics, however, the peninsula still meets a complex and fluid security situation, for it faces the Northern Triangular Cooperation Bloc composed of the USSR, the PRC and North Korea and the Southern Triangular Cooperation Bloc consisted of the ROK, the U.S. and Japan. In the security environment, peace has been characterized by simply a "negative peace" and an "unbalanced peace" supported by the balance of terror. The Republic of Korea needs to reformulate its foreign policy with a view to establishing a positive peace in this country. Korea should make further efforts to adapt itself to the complex and fluid security environment. For this purpose, the country has to reinvigorate a "Northern Foreign Policy" which is capable of reducing the sources of confrontation and, instead, increasing dialogue and cooperation between the two opposing bloc. In this sense, the Northern Foreign Policy can be termed an "all-encompassing policy" to seek a positive rapprochment toward China and the Soviet Union. Under any circumstances, should it be carefully launched with the traditional diplomatic support of the U.S. and Japan. Secondly, it should be aimed at improving the relations of South and North Korea. Korea should set the following Ⅱobjectives of its Northern Foreign Policy: 1. The peace build-up should be based on an increasing of politico-diplomatic capability; 2. Korea has to establish a policy aiming at a step-by-step rapprochment toward China and the Soviet Union; 3. The Nation is to publicly declare "One nation, two states, two governments" doctrine to China and the USSR designed to transcend the differences in system; 4. The country has to pronounce once again open door policy seeking to increase the scope of contract with the PRC and the USSR; 5. Interdependent system should be an important objective in the "Northern Foreign Policy" as the power structure of international politics has turned to polyicentrism; 6. Decision-makers of South Korean foreign policy must steer the current foreign policy trend toward peace and good-neighborliness with any nations, regardless of socialism, communism or democratic socialism; 7. They have to emphasize the decline of ideology which will speed up dialogue, cooperation, and exchange; 8. They have to declare that today a resort to war as a means to reach national objectives is no more valid; 9. They have to dynamically establish democratic value in internal politics; 10. South Korean decision-makers must be ready to conclude a peace and friendship pact or a peace and mutual cooperation pact with China and the Soviet Union; Ⅱ. It is, from a strategic point of view, worth supporting and developing a rational democratic socialist party which would contribute to the "Northern Foreign Policy". In sum, the "Northern Foreign Policy" comprising the Ⅱ policy objectives will surely establish a positive peace in Korea.

北韓의 軍事戰略에 관한 考察 : 金日成의 軍事思想的 基礎 With Special Reference to the Basis of Military Thoughts of Kim Il-Sung

許漫 부산대학교 통일문제연구소 1984 統一論叢 Vol.6 No.-

This study aims to describe the military strategy with an emphasis on the basis of military thoughts of Kim Il-sung. He has steadily developed nearly all the strategy-tactics of North Korea ever since he came to power. With the founding of the country, he has intensively introduced Marxist-Leninist military thoughts and their doctrines into his country. Naturally, he was, to a great extent, influenced by the teachings of Marx, Engels, Lenin, Stalin, and Mao Tse-tung. He learned the dialectical materialism from Marx and Engels, the "Inevitability of War" from Lenin, the theory of "Protection of the Country" from Stalin, and from Mao Tse-tung, the military thought in which "politics without war becomes insignificant." These teachings have in common revolution and violence in military thoughts. The main Marxist thoughts are characterized by the doctrine that "the capitalist society is to perish due to its internal contradictin." Mao Tse-tung attempted to hold political superiority in revolution although he insisted that "politics is born from the barrel and politics is a war without shedding blood and war, a politics shedding blood." Stalin stub-bornly supported the doctrine of National Liberation War" as part of world communist revolutionary strategy. The above-mentioned military ideas are construed as the conflict inevitably resulting from the division of capitalist and proletarian societies. As a revolutionary communist, Kim Il-sung has closely clung to these marxist military thoughts and doctrines which have served as the essential factors to the construction of military strategy of the northern part of Korea. Strongly influenced by such military thoughts, Kim Il-sung thoroughly applied them to the newly liberated northern half of the Korean Peninsula under the banner of communism. On the other hand, he began to remould them in accordance with the particular situation of the country, thus creating for the first time "Churche in thought" in the mid-1950s. This means that man should play a central role and uphold an independent and creative position in the revolutionary process. It is just from position that Kim Il-sung created his "Self-Defense" doctrine which finally resulted in "Four Principal Military Lines", called in other terms offensive strategy-tactics; (1) "Militarization of the whole people"; (2) "Fortification of the entire country"; (3) Tranformation of soldiers into cadres";and (4) "Modernization of military equipment". In sum, the military-tactics to which Il-Sung has contributed can be characterized as follows: First is the combination of "modern and irregular warfare". The role of the latter is to support a modern war conducted by regular forces so as to win a decisive victory. Second is the combination of modern warfare and partisan tactics. This places emphas is on the latter for a final victory although modernized weapons system plays an essential role in modern warfare. Third is the "mixed strategy-tactics" over which political thought prevails in modern warfare led by regular forces. This s Kim Il-sung's particular military strategic idea. Fourth is the strategy of "quick war and quick decision" aiming at dispersing and annhilating the enemy. For this purpose, Kim Il-sung has pursued the goal of "totally modernized force", improving the mobility of the regular forces. Fifth is the concept of "surprise attack" designed to hit the enemy first, grasping its absentmindedness and its exposed targets. Last is the combination of "mountain and nocturnal warfares" designed to be suited to the peculiar conditions of the Korean Peninsular. In conclusion, the military strategy-tactics are based on the class war concept aiming at destroying the Capitalist World. The 6.25 Korean War waged by Kim Il-sung as part of Stalin's world revolutionary strategy represents it. Therefore, the military strategy-tactics of Korea aims principally to destroy the democracy of the Republic of Korea.

韓國戰爭의 硏究視覺 및 接近方式 : 傳統主義學說과 修正主義學說의 比較分析 Comparisons of Traditional and Revisionist Theories

許漫 부산대학교 사범대학 1990 교사교육연구 Vol.21 No.-

This paper aims to study in depth the origins of the Korean War by making a maximum wide comparative analysis of its traditional and revisionist theories. There have been a wide range of theories with regard to the origins of the Korean War : according to the traditional theory, the Korean War was initiated, independently of South Korean government and the U.S. remained quite indifferent to the preparations for war ; in the light of the revisionist ones, it was taken initiative of by South Korea, closely in concert with the U.S. The traditional theory on the Korean War represents an orthodox interpretation of the internecine war that was launched by North Korean troops equipped with entirely Soviet-made weapons and with operational order secretly prepared by Soviet military advisors. The war is believed to have been prepared at least since 1948. The revisionist theory is basically designed to represent a Maxist interpretation that has no concrete and realistic materials. However, all the evidences collected by the author, and in particular the sources materials released by the U.S. since 1977 and partly by the USSR and China since 1989 attest to the fact that North Korea holds the immediate responsibility to have launched the war by surprise with the important support of Stalin at the start and later with the immense man power support of Mao Tse Tung. These source materials scientifically prove that the revisionist theory is a false one that is not based on concrete and realistic ground, while the traditional one is an orthodox interpretation that is relied on the concrete and realistic ground. In short, the origins of the Korean War stand in direct opposition to a series of the claims that have been put forward and developed by the revisionist theory.

유럽연합의 통합정치와 그 경험 : 아시아·태평양지역에의 적응과 한계성

허만 釜山大學校 國際地域問題硏究 1998 國際地域問題硏究 Vol.16 No.1

전후 서유럽의 지도자들은 배타적인 국가중심의 행위를 이익의 융합(fusion of interests)을 통하여 파괴된 경제와 평화를 재건할 수 있는 공동체란 새로운 정치적 단위를 건설하기 시작하였다. 이러한 새로운 정치적 인식은 통합정치(politics of integration)의 형태를 취하게 되었다. 통합정치는 전통적인 국민국가의 통합형태와 달리하는 새로운 통치단위를 만들어 왔다. 즉, 통합정치는 그 전제조건으로써 경제적 통합을 실현하고 정치적 통합에 도달하려 하는 이원적 단계를 설정하고 있다. 서유럽의 통합론자들이 실현하고자 하는 이 특유한 정치단위는 개별국가들을 하나의 제도에 묶어서 공동의 정책을 실시함으로써 그들간의 결속(solidarity)을 강화하려는 것이며, 그것이 유럽적인 정체성(European identity)를 다시 구현하는데 중요한 목표를 두고 있다. 그러나 통합정치는 단순히 유럽적인 지역주의만을 표방하지 않고, 궁극적으로 지난 약 반세기동안 건설한 공동체를 연방적 틀에 집어넣으려는 것이다. 그래서 그들은 '유럽적인 연방'을 건설하려는 비젼을 견지하고 있다. 1992년 마스트리히조약의 체결과 1997년 6월 암스텔담 정상회담은 이 궁극적인 목표를 실현하기 위한 것이다. 여기에서 고안된 민주적 결손, 보충성의 원리 및 융통성의 원리 등은 이 비젼을 구체적으로 실현에 옮기기 위한 전술적인 방안으로 평가된다. 끝으로 합의와 절충의 문화 위에서 끈질기게 건설하여 온 유럽연합, 특히 유럽 통합정치의 경험이 얼마나 아시아·태평양의 지도자들 및 엘리트들이 그들의 전통적인 민족주의관을 뛰어 넘어서 새로운 문화를 이식할 수 있는 자세를 가져야 하고, 또한 세계가 지역주의와 통합주의로 들어가고 있다는 사실에 특별히 유의할 필요가 있다. Leaders of the post-war Europe began constructing a new political unit, the European Community which was aimed at reconstructing the destroyed economy and peace through the fusion of interests, beyond the exclusive nation-centered way of thinking. This new political consciousness developed into a model of political integration in the contemporay international politics. This political integration was premised on an economic integration. Therefore the former depended on the dual integration process preceded by the latter. Integrationists of Western Europe have thought up until the present time that the political integration has focused on putting nation-states into. common regional institutions and implementing common policies which would contribute to the build-up of solidarity among them. So they have so far believed that the solidarity will create a European identity at the broader international level. They have unflinchingly progressed in a way that the political integration will not merely be confined to the European regionalism but have object of developing the half century-old European Community into a European federal structure. A European federation is considered as an ultimate structure in the process of integration. The Treaty of Maastricht concluded in 1991 has the primary object of materializing the political integration within the European federation, by respecting the diversity and speed of each member-state. The Amsterdam Summit held in June, 1997 added the idea of flexibility to the European Union with a purpose of ascending to the political integration while substantially revising provisions of the Treaty. The European Union established by the Treaty of Maastricht has for its object to overcome the democratic deficit to a maximum and to impose legitimacy to the political integration through application of the 'principle of subsidiarity' as much as possible. To give legitimacy to the European Union is nothing but to erect a European federation by making decisions as close as possible to the European citizens' expectations. On the other hand, the paper is additionally aimed at reflecting the experience of the development of the political integration based on the culture of consensus and compromise and discerning how much it will be applied to the Asian-Pacific region. Subsequently, leaders and elites in full pursuit of interdependence today in this region should be ready to go beyond their traditional nationalistic traits, to transplant a new culture, and simultaneously to adapt themselves to the world in which regionalism are increasingly present. It is estimated, however, that the application of the experience of the political integration remains quite limited in the Asian-Pacific basin.

脫冷戰時代의 韓半島의 統一政策 : 統合民族主義理念의 創造와 함께 Creation of "Integrated Nationalism"

許漫 부산대학교 사회과학대학 1992 社會科學論叢 Vol.11 No.2

Today's international politics, just 7 years off the 21st century, has made a turning point in time-honored struggles for power between the East and West. The East and West has seen their sudden collapse in the last course of the Cold War era, bringing about a new world order in which the world had not been able to enjoy positive peaceful coexistence during the Cold War period. The new international order has made it possible to place more values on reforms and transformations than revolutions whether the latter are by nature socialist, communist or radical. Thus the East and West have come to rely much more exchange and cooperation among multi-state system in economics and trade than confrontation or an one-sided revolution which aims to confront with other's values and systems. Continuing to neglect the historical tide of international politics, North Korea has clung to its own policy and strategy of unification. "One Korea policy" that is had firmly been based on Juche ideology. North Korea's unification policy has run counter to the current stream of the times, even thought the country has partially opened its doors belatedly in economic cooperation with the West. The communist state long relied on "One Korean policy" now has no but choice to collide against the policy of exchange, cooperation, peace and unification of South Korea. The maine scheme of this paper is to work out a realistically possible idea on national unification which has long been in stalemate between North's unification formula and South's unification policy. The paper is thus designed to suggest an "integrated nationalism". Korea-North and South-contains basically common points capable of creating an "integrated nationalism", instead of a "divided nationalism" existed between the two parties of Korea. The "integrated nationalism" is basically characterized as the idea of cohesive, indivisible and unified national community-minded nationalism as already theorized in the ideas of nationalism by Ernest Renan and Charles Maurras in the 19th century. Applying through social communication the idea of the "integrated nationalism" to the South and North and their people, we can buildup an inner driving force for peaceful unification from the bottom of the peoples, strengthening the elements of cohesion, indivisibility and unified national community-orientation between the two hostile parties. These elements can of course help the two parties to transcend alien ideologies such as socialism, communism or radical revolutionary ones. In a long perspective, the idea of the "integrated nationalism" will create the consciousness of socio-political integration rather than that of confrontation. Thus it will firmly serve as an elementally inner driving force inducible to a peaceful unification in the form of intergrating the national sentiment that has been divided and confronted each other for the last 47 years.

北韓 外交政策의 基底와 그 變化展望

허만 부산대학교 사범대학 1989 교사교육연구 Vol.19 No.-

This study of the foreign policy of North Korea is aimed at analysing its base and exploring the possibility of its change in the year 2000. From the birth of its government, North Korea has formulated its foreign policy based on the Marxism and Leninism, and from the mid-1959s focused on the Juche ideology that it claims creatively applies Marxism-Leninism to the realities of North Korea. Thus the North Korea foreign policy has given importance to the maintenance of excellent relations with the USSR and the PRC although there were ups and downs of them and simultaneously with the countries of the Third World. This foreign policy has naturally turned out dogmatic, revolutionary, and unilateral rather than open, pragmatic, and multilateral. From this point of view, it is revolution-oriented and class struggle-minded. It has, in no way, the diplomatic dynamics to accommodate the changing international environment. As to decision-making factors, this study suggested the two important categories of factors : one is permanent and the second less permanent. Four sub-factors are suggested in the former and three sub-factors given in the latter. The analysis of the two principal categories shows that the foreign policy has been absolutely influenced and controlled by one man-leadership, ideology, and a very small pro-government elite rather than system and bureaucratic procedure. The characteristics of the foreign policy can be summed up as follows : First, in terms of proletarian internationalism, it gives primary importance to the unity with all socialist countries. Second, it attaches gravity to the maintenance of the best state of diplomatic relations with both socialist countries and radical ones in the Third World. This policy is designed to best compy with the concept of anti-imperialism. Third, the foreign policy considers the anti-imperialism and national liberation movements to be essential. Fourth, it is designed to struggle to maintain independence and the legitimacy of North Korea at international level. Fifth, as a final goal, it seeks communistic unification under the banner of the Juche ideology. Judging from the characteristics mentioned above, the immediate purpose of the North Korea foreign policy toward South Korea consists in applying a liberation war or in maturing an environment for people's democratic revolution with South Korean leftists and radical groups while pretending to launch peace offensive toward South Korea in peace time. It is likely, however, that there is a growing possibility of change in the foreign policy as regional and global environments are undergoing rapid and deep transformations which resulted from chiefly reforms and openness in the communist world including the USSR and the PRC. Therefore a new communist regime to be eventually born by post-revolutionary bureaucrats in the wake of the death of Kim Il-Sung and the collapse of a provisional Kim Jyung-Il regime will be driven to reforms and openness even though they will arise at very slow speed and they will be mean and simple. The interaction of internal pressure from the mass of people in North Korea and external influence stemming from the communist camp in the year 2000 will lead to reforms and openness.