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      • 統一基盤 造成을 위한 政策課題

        이황규 부산대학교 통일문제연구소 1986 統一論叢 Vol.8 No.-

        From the division of Korea Peninsula till the present time, the Korean people have thought of the Korean unification as its greatest problem and have been making efforts to attain the goal in various ways. Nevertheless, with all the 40 years since the division, our effort from both South and North Korea has not yet borne any practical fruit. That's because the view on unification which South Korean government and people have and that of North Korean Communists are essentially different from each other. Accordingly, this thesis is a result of the efforts to put an end to the tragic division and to construct a unified democratic country. In this thesis, firstly, the causes of the division and the concept of reunification have been examined. Secondly, the difference between South and North Korea's unification policies has been ascertained, by studying the unification policy of the North Korean regime and a series of changes in that of South Korea. Lastly, several policies for the foundation of building a unified democratic welfare state which South Korea is promoting, have been suggested as follow (1) The Korean people's positive will toward the unification. (2) Forming a national agreement toward the unification. (3) The democratization of the social structure. (4) Promoting North Korea's opening policy. (5). New unification policies.

      • 中共文化革命期에 있어서의 學生(紅衛兵)과 軍隊와의 關係

        李大雨 부산대학교 통일문제연구소 1982 統一論叢 Vol.3 No.-

        In this paper I shall attempt to describe real aspect of Military-Student relation during the Great Proletarian Revolution from the perspective of Mao's theory of contradiction. To achieve this aim, I shall also attempt to clarity some major concerns : interrelation between Mao's personality and political action, political turmoil and the stability of political system. As we see, Socialist Education Movement, in fact, is the strategy of conflict created by Mao Tse-tung in order to test the strength of Liuist group on the course of takeover. But it was not successful in coping with Liuist group. Mao now began to draw upon the Army's experience in coping with more extensive political difficulties, and on Lin Piao's support in his deeping conflict with the party organization. Judging from this context, it might to well assumed that Mao had already prepared to seize power in this period. This is, of course, the indication of group conflict strategy toward victory in power struggle. Mao began to turn to the new generation to attack enemy. Mao's advancing age constituted an important limit on the reassertion of his authority. However, his determination to institutionalize his own conception of new political life for China led him to seek a way of passing on the lesson of the revolution to a new generation. He was seeking a way to combine theory without relying on bookish recitations alone. At some point, before the summer or 1996 Mao conceptualized a way of confronting in "unity and struggle" both the opposition of long-time Party leaders and political immaturity of the younger generation. In the rebellion of student revolutionaries and bring them into a place of influence within China's political life. On the one hand, Mao drew upon Student Red Guard to check the PLA. But they were harmonized with each other while attacking the capitalist-roaders. Thus, Mao decided to make use of his alliance. As we have seen the outstanding contrast between Student Red Guard and bureaucrat on the one hand, and Student Red Guard and PLA on the other hand, is the reflection of the law of the unity of opposites. Student Red Guard created the PLA to use armed forces in order to check the Red Guard. The incredible turmoil of 1967 and 1968 which appears to have nearly undermined the ability of Mao and Lin Piao ride out the Luan of their to wrest political control from the party organization. Perhaps the passage of time will give a better perspective to the factional conflict and violence which appears to have brought China on the verge of Civil War. As the turmoil progressed, Mao initiated rebellion which is called 'January Storm' of Shanghai. Workers and peasants were involved in this rebellion. Finally they established Shanghais Commune. This led to another political chaos. When Mao confronted confusion, he had lost the stability of mind. However, Mao soon restored his balance of mind. In psychological dimension, we can find that Mao has the dualism of mind ; frustration and courage, nihilism and confidence. But Mao derived 'unity' from psychological confusion and he used to link psychological dimension with the political action. Mao regarded Luan as creative political conflict in rebuilding new political order. Mao pressed hard to purge the peoples in authority taking the capitalist road by grand alliance. In the wake of confusion, Mao's enduring concern about workers and peasants meant that he expressed his determined will to keep firmly the principle of Marxism-Leninism. As is viewed from the above mentioned, Mao took advantage of Military and student to seize power.

      • 北韓의 軍事戰略에 관한 考察 : 金日成의 軍事思想的 基礎 With Special Reference to the Basis of Military Thoughts of Kim Il-Sung

        許漫 부산대학교 통일문제연구소 1984 統一論叢 Vol.6 No.-

        This study aims to describe the military strategy with an emphasis on the basis of military thoughts of Kim Il-sung. He has steadily developed nearly all the strategy-tactics of North Korea ever since he came to power. With the founding of the country, he has intensively introduced Marxist-Leninist military thoughts and their doctrines into his country. Naturally, he was, to a great extent, influenced by the teachings of Marx, Engels, Lenin, Stalin, and Mao Tse-tung. He learned the dialectical materialism from Marx and Engels, the "Inevitability of War" from Lenin, the theory of "Protection of the Country" from Stalin, and from Mao Tse-tung, the military thought in which "politics without war becomes insignificant." These teachings have in common revolution and violence in military thoughts. The main Marxist thoughts are characterized by the doctrine that "the capitalist society is to perish due to its internal contradictin." Mao Tse-tung attempted to hold political superiority in revolution although he insisted that "politics is born from the barrel and politics is a war without shedding blood and war, a politics shedding blood." Stalin stub-bornly supported the doctrine of National Liberation War" as part of world communist revolutionary strategy. The above-mentioned military ideas are construed as the conflict inevitably resulting from the division of capitalist and proletarian societies. As a revolutionary communist, Kim Il-sung has closely clung to these marxist military thoughts and doctrines which have served as the essential factors to the construction of military strategy of the northern part of Korea. Strongly influenced by such military thoughts, Kim Il-sung thoroughly applied them to the newly liberated northern half of the Korean Peninsula under the banner of communism. On the other hand, he began to remould them in accordance with the particular situation of the country, thus creating for the first time "Churche in thought" in the mid-1950s. This means that man should play a central role and uphold an independent and creative position in the revolutionary process. It is just from position that Kim Il-sung created his "Self-Defense" doctrine which finally resulted in "Four Principal Military Lines", called in other terms offensive strategy-tactics; (1) "Militarization of the whole people"; (2) "Fortification of the entire country"; (3) Tranformation of soldiers into cadres";and (4) "Modernization of military equipment". In sum, the military-tactics to which Il-Sung has contributed can be characterized as follows: First is the combination of "modern and irregular warfare". The role of the latter is to support a modern war conducted by regular forces so as to win a decisive victory. Second is the combination of modern warfare and partisan tactics. This places emphas is on the latter for a final victory although modernized weapons system plays an essential role in modern warfare. Third is the "mixed strategy-tactics" over which political thought prevails in modern warfare led by regular forces. This s Kim Il-sung's particular military strategic idea. Fourth is the strategy of "quick war and quick decision" aiming at dispersing and annhilating the enemy. For this purpose, Kim Il-sung has pursued the goal of "totally modernized force", improving the mobility of the regular forces. Fifth is the concept of "surprise attack" designed to hit the enemy first, grasping its absentmindedness and its exposed targets. Last is the combination of "mountain and nocturnal warfares" designed to be suited to the peculiar conditions of the Korean Peninsular. In conclusion, the military strategy-tactics are based on the class war concept aiming at destroying the Capitalist World. The 6.25 Korean War waged by Kim Il-sung as part of Stalin's world revolutionary strategy represents it. Therefore, the military strategy-tactics of Korea aims principally to destroy the democracy of the Republic of Korea.

      • 李晦齊의 儒家政治論 硏究

        趙南旭 부산대학교 통일문제연구소 1984 統一論叢 Vol.5 No.-

        Lee Hoe-Jae (1491∼1553) was a great Confucianist in the early 16th century of Cho-Sun Age. Especially he had a profound knowledge on Neo-Confucianism. Therefore the political theory which he maintained in the political world was founded on the origin of Confucian Idea. And it was realized by presenting a memorial to the king(上疏). The main point on his political theory was of elevating the temperament of a king to the level of a good and wise king(聖君). Because he was convinced that all the political appearance depended on the character of a king. The very important contents, which laid emphasis on the king, consisted of keeping up the real character(心術), devoting himself to equilibrium and harmony(中和) and continueing the state of entire sincerity(至誠). Those subjects were necessary for realizing to govern according to Heaven's will(天命) on Confucian Ideology. And then on the basis of his political theory he accentuated the following details; ①Continueing pure connection at Court, ② Establishing of official discipline, ③ Engaging men of wisdom and ability, ④ Maintaning the origin nature of a man and the sprit of a society, ⑤ Appreciating the common peoples difficulties, ⑥ Enlarging the chance of political utterance, ⑦ Framing a policy toward military affairs. The major parts of his political theory are related to the fundamental problems of political appearances. At the same time such contents come under the duty of a politician himself. Therefore I think that his confucian political theory essentially has many good points on the spirits of modern politicians

      • 第3世界의 官僚的 權威主義 : 그 役割을 중심으로

        文翰東 부산대학교 통일문제연구소 1986 統一論叢 Vol.8 No.-

        After world warⅡ, the most remarkable change in the political order of the world is the appearance of the Third World Circle. More than 3/4 Third World Countries in this world not only challenge the internationally existing order for powerful countries, but also advocate the establishment of new order in international economy. The majority of them have experienced the colonization of western capitalistic power states. Besides overcoming both colonialism and neo-colonialism, they have been carrying out economic and social reform through the ideology of their own style. The third world Countries of newly emerging countries started with three subject : the movement of self-determination of peoples containing anti-colonialism and anti-imperialism, the modernization movement starting from the self-consciousness of relative poverty of their own states, and democracy that is universal idea of the 20th century. The modernization theory on underdeveloped countries of the latter of the 1960's arose from the challenge about structural-functional theory of development. The important theory consists in the dependency theory with a critical mind for elucidating the economic underdevelopment and the deep difference in Social stratum in Latin-America. Unlike the dependency theory both for economic development subordinate to alien dependence and for function of social structure, the theory is about Bureaucratic Authoritarianism influencing retrogressively such a political system. The theoretical approach on Bureaucratic Authoritarian system is not temporarily pathological and omissive phenomenon, through democratization. It is a continuous type like Liberal Democracy of Totalitarianism. The change of political system for promoting industrial process is called Bureaucratic Authoritarian System. The social-economic structure of a marked society, the historical type of Capitalism, and the directional change of deepening process are closely connected with the political phenomenon prescribed as concept of Bureaucratic Authoritarian System. Here, we cannot but help recognizing that economic development and industrialization are the necessary conditions for democracy. Nowadays, industrialization for economic development is extremely important for welfare states that most countries assert. The country is compelled to coordinate and control inequality situation caused by such a industrialization. Really this coordination and this control should be achieved on the political stability of state power. From this, Bureaucratic Authoritarianism comes. The political ability that propels the good function of B.A and removes the bad function, is seriously demanded. Proportionally industrialization is, so to speak, unable to bring about political development, through the modernization process of the Third World. Therefore, the modernization in national development is that the economic development must keep pace with the political development at the same time.

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