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최희재(Choi, Hee Jae),박정일(Park, Jung Il),최승영(Choi, Seung Young) 한국지적정보학회 2013 한국지적정보학회지 Vol.15 No.1
최근 IT 및 네트워크 기술 발달에 따라 스마트폰, 태블릿PC 등 모바일 기기가 확산되었다. 이에 따라 각종 어플리케이션이 개발됨은 물론 새로운 업무형태인 스마트워크가 출현하게 되었다. 본 연구는 스마트워크를 이용하여 기존 PC 기반의 지적기준점 서비스를 새로운 지적기준점관리시스템으로 발전시켜 지적기준점 관리 및 활용을 극대화 하는데 목적이 있다. 이를 위하여 우선 기존의 지적기준점 관리 현황을 파악하고 각 기관에서 관리하고 있는 기준점의 활용사례를 검토하고자 한다. 다음으로 지적기준점 관리를 위한 스마트워크 시스템에 필요한 기능 및 사양을 구상하고 목표 시스템 개발을 위한 기초 연구를 진행하고자 한다. 궁극적으로 본 연구가 각종 공사 등으로 인한 기준점의 훼손 및 망실을 최소화시킴은 물론 체계적인 지적기준점 D/B를 구축·관리의 기틀을 마련하고, 향후 지적재조사 사업의 추진에 따른 국가기준좌표계 변환에 따른 지적측량에 대비하는 등 양질의 지적측량 서비스 구현에 많은 도움이 되었으면 하는 바람이다. Recently, mobile devices such as Smart phones and Tablet PCs have been widely expanded due to the development of IT and network technology. Not only a variety of Apps began to appear, but also the new form of work style called ‘SmartWork’. This research ‘Smart Work’ to greatly improve the management of the cadastral control point by changing the previous PC-based managing service into a new system. To make this in reality, this study suggests firstly, analyzing the current status of cadastral control point and identify the point’s usage managed by each organization. Next, we plan to begin theorizing the necessary programs for ‘SmartWork’ and to begin researching what is necessary for the development of target system. This research will not only minimize the damages of cadastral control point by various construction, but create a set of basic frame of database management. In this, it should help to improve the quality of the cadastral measurement service in further cadastral resurvey project and the changing of the national datum transformation.
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越南, 朝鮮과 1860-80년대 淸朝 朝貢國政策의 再調整
崔熙在(Choi Hee-jae) 역사학회 2010 역사학보 Vol.0 No.206
The purpose of this paper is to compare Ngyuan Dynasty Vietnam and Chosun Dynasty Korea in their relations to China, taking into con-sideration Qing China's policies toward tributary states in the 1860-1880's. Conclusions are as follows: Until the late 1870's, the Qing Dynasty rulers tended to evade getting involved in their tributary states' foreign relations, especially with the Western powers. For they were afraid that such entanglements might worsen their own relations with the Western countries. When such countries as England, France and America asked China's assistance for their efforts to 'open' Korea, Chinese authorities continued to refuse, stressing that it was Beijing's principle not to interfere with tributary states' domestic politics and foreign relations. Although Vietnam stopped sending tributary envoys to Beijing beginning in the early 1850s through 1868, while French aggressions there continued to be intensified, China did not take any actions, nor expressed special concerns. As a matter of fact, China then had no much reliable information about the Southeast Asian country, since the latter despite their worsening relations with France did not take any active measures to ask for Beijing's help. From around 1879 when Japan officially annexed Liuqiu Kingdom, however, China began to search actively for new policies towards the tributary states. There arose vociferous calls of Qing officials and literati for hardline policies to protect the remaining tributaries such as Vietnam and Korea. Such officials and diplomats as Ho Ruzhang, Huang Zunxian, Zeng Jize and Xue Fucheng proposed various ideas to rearrange China's traditional relations with those countries to fit the Western-inspired new world order, underlining their strategic importance to their national security. On the other side, some Koreans advocated for the strengthening of Seoul-Beijing relations in anticipation of Chinese help for their countries' modernization. Consequently more active measures came to be undertaken to sustain or strengthen Chinese influence upon Vietnam and Korea, even amid the rising French and Japanese repercussions. With the defeat in the Chinese-French War(1884-85), the Chinese efforts to keep Vietnam as its tributary failed. In contrast those efforts in Korea to reshuffle their bilateral relations in the modem context appeared to bear significant fruit for a while, to their eyes, since China could get a rather firm control upon Seoul, However, the Chinese-Japanese War(l894-95) hit a fatal blow upon the Beijing efforts to reshuffle the tributary system. Here noteworthy is that in that process, Koreans' repercussions were increasing since such Chinese moves of intervention were against their anticipation of assistance.
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유럽연합의 외국어교육정책 고찰을 통한 한국 외국어교육의 바람직한 방향 탐색
최희재(Choi, Hee- Jae) 한국외국어교육학회 2010 Foreign languages education Vol.17 No.2
The purpose of this study is to discuss some alternatives which can contribute to the improvement of foreign language education in Korea. For this purpose, we briefly examine language education policies of EU, especially the plurilingual education and the Common European Framework of Reference for Languages: Learning, Teaching, Assessment (CEFR) (Council of Europe, 2001). European language education policies stress the importance of the individual’s lifelong development in plurilingual competence. In this research, the problems that foreign language education policies in Korea currently face are identified; some recommendations are then suggested to overcome those problems. We recommend, most importantly, planning the foreign language education improvement blueprints based on plurilingualism. The policy makers should realize the value and importance of diverse foreign languages in the global society, and take careful consideration of unequal investment on English education. Conclusively speaking, globalization and internationalization pose not only successful communication skills in foreign languages but also new challenges to social cohesion and integration.
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崔熙在(Choi Hee-Jae) 동양사학회 2003 東洋史學硏究 Vol.85 No.-
In historical context, Sino-centrism was so flexible that it could had been sustained even in the period of military conquest of Chinese mainland by the northern nomadic peoples, by asserting that the essence of Chinese superiority lay in culture. With the intrusion of Western forces in the 19th century, however, such Sino-centrism gradually came to face serious challenges. As a result, there began to emerge new concerns for national interest and nationality, especially beginning in the late Tongzhi and early Guangxu period. During that period, with the task of 'pacifying the exterior'(安外) looming large amid the restrengthening of foreign aggressions, efforts to reinforce China's defense capabilities both in inland frontiers and coastal areas continued, bringing in considerable results. Also in domestic politics there proceeded rather noteworthy improvements since the importance of 'self-rule'(自治) came to be reemphasized in relation to the desired 'self-strengthening.' In relation with such developments, efforts at adjusting foreign policies started during just that period. Their primary aim was to protect and recover national interests as well as to enhance national prestige in the face of the strengthened aggressions from the Western and some other neighboring countries. Such efforts now came to be made rather notedly as to revise the existing unequal treaties with the West, along with attempts to promote commercial and industrial interests of China. In addition, overseas Chinese, both laborers and merchants, formerly considered as 'abandoned people'(棄民), now came to be regarded as 'Chinese subjects and offspring'(臣民赤子). So measures to protect them and to utilize their wealth for famine relief and maritime defense began to be launched in earnest, accompanied by the establishment of consulates in major foreign cities. Also in relation with some neighboring tributary nations such as Korea, more aggressive policies came to be adopted, especially after Japanese annexation of Liuqiu Kingdom in 1879. Such developments the author thinks can be termed 'incipient nationalism', which paved way for the more full-fledged nationalistic efforts after the defeat in the 1894-95 Sino-Japanese War. In all, the significance of such 'incipient nationalism' which took concrete form during the early Guangxu period cannot be disregarded in that it broadened the scope of the Self-strengthening Movement.
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