일제강점기 동해남부선의 식민성과 지역정치

전성현(Jeon, Sung-Hyun) 부산경남사학회 2017 역사와 경계 Vol.104 No.-

‘제국의 이해’와 ‘지역의 이해’가 결합된 ‘조선철도12년계획’선 중 동해남부선은 1927년 기공되어 1934년 완공될 예정이었으나 1930년 7월 기공되어 1945년 7월에야 개통되었다. 개통이 늦은 이유는 ‘제국의 이해’에 충실한 조선총독부의 철도 정책 때문이었다. 조선총독부는 동해선 중 동해북부선에만 관심이 있었고, 1931년 ‘만주사변’과 1937년 중일전쟁에 따라 북선 철도와 중앙선 건설에 집중했다. 이에 남부선 연선 지역은 부산을 중심으로 진정운동을 전개하는 한편, 그 범위를 경상남북도와 강원도 20여개 도읍으로까지 확대하여 진정운동을 전개했다. 그 결과 뒤늦었지만 부분적인 기공과 개통을 이룰 수 있었다. 노선 결정과 광궤 개축에서는 지역 간의 경합도 전개되었다. 특히 광궤 개량에 따른 남부선과 중부선의 연결은 부산 상권과 대구 상권의 경쟁을 가열시켰다. 그러나 식민지 도시 간의 힘의 차이와 ‘新幹線’ 중앙선의 출현으로 대구 지역의 희생으로 일단락되었다. 결국 조선총독부와 지역, 지역과 지역간에 이루어진 ‘지역정치’에 따라 ‘지역의 이해’는 일부 수용되기도 했다. 하지만 종국에는 ‘제국의 이해’에 기반을 둘 수밖에 없었다. 이는 동해남부선 운영에서도 그대로 드러났다. 여객 수송의 경우, 연선 지역의 교통 편의에 어느 정도 기여했다. 하지만 대체로 동해선의 자연과 울산, 경주 등 역사유적지를 유람·관광하는 열차로서의 역할에 충실했다. 화물 수송의 경우, 미곡류의 부산진역 집하와 잡곡류의 연선 거점 역 집하는 대도시 부산과 일본을 위한 수송으로 전형적인 조선인 농촌의 희생을 담보했다. 또한 기타 화물 수송의 수위를 차지한 철도용품의 수송은 자원 유출과 대륙 병참선의 건설을 위한 철도 건설이라는 ‘제국의 이해’에 철저하게 복무한 점을 잘 보여준다. Of the "12-Year Plan of the Chosun Railroad", which combines the ‘understanding of the empire’ and ‘the understanding of the local’, the Donghae Nambu Line was built in 1927 and planned to be completed in 1934, but it was opened in July 1930 and opened in July 1945. The reason for the late opening was due to the railway policy of the Chosun Governor General who was faithful to the ‘understanding of the empire.’ The Chosun Governor General was interested only in the Donghae Bukbu Line, and focused on the construction of the Northern Chosun Railway and the Center Line in 1931 under the Manchuria Incident and the Sino-Japanese War of 1937. In the area surrounding the Nambu Line, there was a calm movement centering on Busan, and the range was extended to Kyungsangnam-do, Kyungsangbuk-do and Gangwon-do with more than 20 cities. As a result, it was late but partial construction and opening could be accomplished. In route decision and track reconstruction, there was also competition between locals. In particular, the connection between the Nambu and Joongbu lines due to the improved track has heated the competition between Busan and Daegu. However, the difference in power between the colonial cities and the emergence of the ‘Shinkansen(新幹線)’ Center Line ended with the sacrifice of Daegu. In the end, according to the "Local politics" between the Chosun governor general and the local, local and local, "understanding of the local" was partially accepted. In the end, however, they were forced to base themselves on the ‘understanding of the empire.’ This was also revealed in the operation of the Donghae Nambu Line. In the case of passenger transport, it contributed to the traffic convenience of the railroad area to some extent. However, it was largely devoted to the role of trains to tour the Natural scenery of the Donghae Line and historical sites such as Ulsan and Gyeongju. In the case of cargo transport, it is for Busan and Japan, which collect the rice for the Busanjin station and the Grain for railway station, which secured the sacrifice of a typical Korean farm village. In addition, the transportation of railroad goods, which ranked first in other cargo transportation, shows the thoroughness of service to the "understanding of the empire", such as resource leaks and railroad construction for construction of continental Supply lines.

리튬 금속 전지의 스웰링 예측을 위한 전기화학적-기계적 모델

전성현(Sung Hyun Jeon),전영무(Young Moo Jeon),이윤구(Yoon Koo Lee) 대한기계학회 2023 대한기계학회 춘추학술대회 Vol.2023 No.5

스마트기기의 사용 및 비용만족도에 영향을 미치는 요인에 관한 연구

전성현(Sung-Hyun Jeon),문종범(Jong-Beom Moon),유왕진(Wang-Jin Yoo) 국제e-비즈니스학회 2012 e-비즈니스 연구 Vol.13 No.1

日帝强占期 神社 例祭와 植民主義 地域文化

전성현(Jeon, Sung-Hyun) 역사문화학회 2017 지방사와 지방문화 Vol.20 No.1

초량왜관시기부터 존재했던 용두산신사는 식민지시기 ‘지역(부산)과 국가(일본)’의 신사라는 신사 본연의 역할을 수행하기 위한 각종 상징적 의례를 집행했다. 이들 의례는 부산의 우지가미(氏神)를 중심으로 하는 일본인들의 토착성(異化)과 천황을 정점으로 하는 신민화(同化)의 이중 장치였다. 그 중심은 例祭였다. 예제는 1908년부터 시작하여 식민지 내내 집행되었다. 애초 예제는 우지가미제(氏神祭) 였는데, 1936년 國幣小社 승격으로 말미암아 主神의 변동이 생겨 이후 예제 기간 중 별도의 우지가미제로 실시되었다. 즉, 예제는 끝까지 지역 일본인들의 정체성을 유지하기 위한 의례였던 것이다. 이와 같은 성격을 보다 잘 드러내 주는 것이 神幸 행사였다. 신행은 종교사회적 의미에서 기복과 정화 의식인 동시에 신역으로서의 지역의 공간적 정체성을 구현하는 중요한 장치였다. 이는 신행구간을 통해서도 잘 드러나는데, 신행구간은 행정구역의 확장에도 불구하고 최초 거류민단의 영역을 넘어서지 못하고 오히려 축소되었다. 더군다나 지역의 경계를 상징하는 장소로서의 御旅所도 신사를 중심으로 하는 구 시가(거류지)로 제한되었다. 한편, 餘興은 제사의 일환으로 봉납의 의미가 강했다. 그런데 예제 기간 중의 여흥은 봉납의 의미에서 스포츠로, 전시 및 연주관람으로, 그리고 구경거리로 변모했다. 나아가 번화가의 상점들과 지역 단체들은 예제를 기회로 상공 진흥과 불경기 해소를 위한 ‘변천시’, ‘상공제’ 등을 개최하며 자본주의 문화와 결합된 거리 축제 또는 도시 축제로 만들었다. 하지만 일제 말기가 되면 전시체제로 말미암아 이와 같은 예제의 축제화는 조선총독부로부터 금지되고 ‘진정한 제사’로 전환이 시도되었다. 이때 진정한 제사는 전통적인 촌락의 제사가 아니라 천황에 대한 충성과 황국신민으로 자리매김하는 의례에 다름 아니었다. The Yongdusan Shinto shrine, which had been present since the days of Choryang Waegwan, held all kinds of symbolic ceremonies to perform its natural roles as a “local(Busan) and national(Japan)” Shinto shrine during the colonial days. Those ceremonies were part of a device to turn Korean people into the subjects of Japan(assimilation) around the indigenousness of Japanese people(dissimilation) based in the area around Ujigami(氏神) in Busan under the apex of Japanese emperor. At the center was Festival. Festival began in 1908 and continued throughout the colonial days. It was originally an Ujigami ceremony and promoted to the status of Gukpyesosa(國幣小社) in 1936. After the change to its main god, Japanese people started to hold a separate Ujigami ceremony. That is, Festival was a ceremony for the local Japanese people to maintain their identity to the end. Its nature was well demonstrated in the God’s Tour event. God’s Tour was a ceremony to pray for good fortune and purification in the sense of religion and society and important device to embody the spatial identity of the area as a divine place, which was well demonstrated in the God’s Tour section. In spite of expanding administrative districts, the God’s Tour section remained within the perimeter of the original resident quarters. It rather underwent a reduction. Furthermore, Stay place(御旅所), which symbolized a local boundary, was restricted to the old town(resident quarters) around the Shinto shrine. Stay place was a kind of memorial service for ancestors strongly characterized by its offering. One of Festival, Entertainments changed itself from an offering rite through a sport and the appreciation of exhibition and recital to a spectacle. Moreover, the stores along the main street and local groups took the chance of Festival to hold ‘Byeoncheon market’ and ‘Commerce Festival’ to promote the commerce and end a recession and turned it into a street or city festival combined with the capitalist culture. At the end of Japanese ruling when the country was on the war basis, however, the Japanese Government-General of Korea prohibited them from turning Ritual into a festival and ordered them to hold it as a true memorial service for ancestors. In this case, a true memorial service was not a traditional village memorial service but a ceremony to pledge their loyalty to the Japanese emperor and establish themselves as the subjects of Japanese empire.

일제강점기 행정구역 확장의 식민성과 지역민의 동향

전성현(Jeon, Sung-Hyun) 역사문화학회 2016 지방사와 지방문화 Vol.19 No.1

개항을 통해 ‘분리’를 기반으로 한 공간의 ‘외부적 식민화’ 과정을 겪은 부산은 강제 병합에 의해 다시 도시(부산부)가 농촌(동래군)을 ‘포섭’하여 내부적으로도 식민화하는 과정을 겪었다. 그 과정은 도시계획을 토대로 한 부역의 확장이었다. 부산부 일본인들의 요구를 받아들여 진행된 도시계획은 애초, 동래군 서면(12개리)으로의 확장을 포함한 계획구역과 구역내 주거 · 상업 · 공업지역의 설정, 그리고 교통 · 항만 · 위생시설(상하수도) 등 이른바 ‘부산도시계획서’로 이루어졌다. 하지만 관련 법령의 미비로 뒤늦게 조선시가지계획령의 반포와 1차 부역확장을 포함한 ‘부산시가지계획결정’으로 완성되었다. 새로운 시가지계획은 이전과 달리 제국의 대륙 침략을 위한 병참기지로서의 공업지대로 제한되었다. 부산부의 일본인들은 다시 부회와 상공회의소를 중심으로 공업지구를 동래와 해운대로 확장할 것을 주장했다. 그 결과, 1942년 10월 1일부로 동래읍을 포함한 동래군 거의 전부를 포함하는 2차 부역확장이 이루어졌다. 1, 2차에 걸친 부역확장에 대해 부산부 일본인사회는 동래군으로의 부역확장을 이상적인 도시화의 방향으로 생각하며 지속적인 부역확장을 도시계획의 수립과 함께 요구했다. 그 결과 1차 부역확장을 통해 동래군 서면과 송도를, 2차 부역확장을 통해 동래읍과 해운대 등 동래군의 대부분 지역을 부산부에 포함시키는데 힘을 보탰다. 1차 부역확장의 편입 대상인 서면민은 대다수가 농민인 조선인들로 부산부와의 합병이 끼칠 불이익을 두려워하며 편입을 한시적으로 반대했다. 그리고 서면번영회를 설립하고 스스로 독자적인 발전책과 시가계획을 수립했지만, 결국 부역에 포함되지 않을 수 없었다. 한편, 2차 부역확장의 편입 대상인 동래읍민은 조선인을 중심으로 부산부의 부역확장에 대해 독자적인 도시화로 대응했다. 이러한 노력은 읍내의 시구개정사업 등 도시기반시설의 확충과 동래온천의 읍영화를 통해 완성되는 듯했다. 하지만 온천장을 통제하지는 못했고, 역시나 부역확장이라는 거센 파고를 견뎌내지 못했다. 그 결과, 희망사항 몇 가지와 함께 역사 있는 ‘동래’라는 명칭만이라도 남기를 바라며 어쩔 수 없이 부산부에 강제 편입되었다.

일제시기 東萊線건설과 근대 식민도시 부산의 형성

전성현(Jeon Sung Hyun) 역사문화학회 2009 지방사와 지방문화 Vol.12 No.2

Construction and reform process in Dongnae-Line(東萊線) of local railroad understand to increase economic gain of Japanese capitalists in Busan and to expand colonial space with priority given to Busan-port. Because local of Busan has a colonial feature. In other words, Busan taken shape colonial space of Japanesedominated(Colonial space in Japanese center), because of Busan was close from the Japanese Empire. Also, there was ‘Bridgehead’, ‘Gateway’to enter Chosun and Continental in Japanese Colonial Period. Therefore, it was possible that Japan reorganized modern state. In addition, Dongnae-Line of local railroad had close relation that was local development centering around Busan-port. On that account, there was plan and promote to aggressively intervene local capitalist and people of Japanese as the central figure. And we could to find colonial feature. Namely, development in key industries of railroad was generally progress in Government-led. But, it’s know that independent railroad planning and constructing progress region-centered, because of Busan had colonial feature and relation to Japanese government. Meanwhile, completion of urban railroad, from Busan-port to Dongnea-oncheanjang(東萊溫泉場), was influence to form urban structure of Busan. It was accomplished horizontal space distribution in ‘downtown’that centered Japanese people, Busanport, ‘subcenter’that was expected for industial area by progrssing reclamation work, ‘suburbs’that constructed hot spring, entertainment facilities and villa of capitalists and government officials, Dongnea-oncheanjang. And there was propelled nationally vertical hierarchy in downtown, subcenter, suburba at the same time. Namely It was completed that in downtown Bnsan-port, Daesindong(大新洞), Choryangdong(草梁洞), and youngjudong(瀛州洞) were Chosun people settlement, that in subcenter Busanjin(釜山鎭) filled-up land and around Busanjin were Chosun’s streets, that in suburbs Dongnea-oncheanjang, around Dongnea were Chosun’s streets. 부산을 중심으로 하는 철도건설은 조선의 철도건설과 함께 시작한다고 해도 과언이 아니다. 한말 박기종 등 조선인에 의한 철도건설이 시도되었지만 부산중심의 철도건설은 철저하게 일본인들에 의해 진행되었다. 부산의 일본인들은 우선 일제에 의해 추진되고 있던 경부선 건설에 주주로 적극 참여하는 한편, 직접 철도건설에도 뛰어들었다. 이른바 ‘대륙의 관문’인 부산항을 정점으로 하여 그들은 경남 서부, 경남 중부, 경남 동부의 세 방향으로 뻗어나가는 조선철도망의 건설을 계획하였다. 그리고 경남 동부로 뻗어나가는 철도건설을 가장 먼저 추진하였다. 그들에 의해 설립된 부산궤도주식회사는 1909년 부산진성으로부터 동래온천장에 이르는 약 6마일의 동래선을 건설하였다. 이때의 동래선은 전통적인 부산진과 동래의 조선인 시가를 포함하지 않는 일본인 중심의 부산항과 교외인 동래온천장을 연결하는 도시간철도였다. 하지만 ‘대륙의 관문’에 걸 맞는 도시의 완성과 내륙으로 뻗어나갈 수 있는 기반마련을 위해서는 그에 부합하는 철도건설이 시급하였다. 그래서 그들은 일본자본을 끌어들여 더욱 큰 회사설립을 추진하였다. 그 결과 설립된 회사가 조선와사전기주식회사였다. 조선와사전기주식회사는 부산의 도시화와 직결되는 전기, 가스, 전철의 보급은 물론 기존 동래선의 인수 및 개선을 그 목표로 하였다. 조선와사전기주식회사는 우선 기존 동래선의 협궤(2?)를 광궤(2?6?)로 개선하는 한편, 그때까지 포함되지 않았던 조선인 시가를 적극 포함함으로써 도시철도로의 전환을 시도하였다. 그리고 부산지역의 여론에 떠밀려 설립당시 계획하였던 전철건설에 들어갔다. 그 와중에 당초 계획한 일본인 중심의 ‘시내일주선’보다 오히려 부산항으로부터 동래온천장을 하나로 연결하는 전철을 우선 추진ㆍ완성하였다. 전철로의 전환 과정에는 동래선의 개선 때 계획되었지만 실행하지 못한 부산진 조선인 시가는 물론 도심의 주변이었던 초량과 영주동의 조선인 시가까지 포함되었다. 이처럼 지역철도인 동래선의 건설과 개선은 부산항을 중심으로 하는 식민공간의 확장이었으며 부산지역 일본인자본가의 경제적 이익 확대에도 영향을 미쳤다. 또한 부산의 도시구조를 도심, 부도심, 교외로 구분하는 한편, 각각 민족적인 수직적 위계화의 형성에 결정적인 역할을 하였다.

일제하 조선 상업회의소의 철도부설운동(1910~1923)

전성현 ( Sung Hyun Jeon ) 동아대학교 석당학술원 2008 석당논총 Vol.0 No.40

Immediately after Chosun`s annexation into Japan, Japanese capitalists began to request the construction of railroads in the colony. Accepting the request, the Japanese government-general in Chosun laid state-owned railroads and, through researching existing light railways and taking auxiliary policies, constructed the Gyeongbu Railroad Line. This explosively increased the total railroad length of Chosun to 1,000 miles. The industrial development of Chosun, including railroad construction, had been stagnated for some period because of the financial independence scheme of the Japanese government-general in Chosun. But it began to be driven in earnest as Japanese capitalists who benefited from economic booming brought by the 1st Word War rushed to Chosun. Under this circumstance, Chosun Chamber of Commerce was restructured with a majority of its members consisting of Japanese businessmen in accordance with 「the Ordinances of the Chosun Chamber of Commerce」. Then it organized Chosun Association of the Chmabers of Commerce which in turn actively made requests for the industrial development of the colony. The regional chambers of commerce and the association insisted that the Pyeongwon Railroad Line and private railroads, which might contribute to regional economy, should be constructed and that government subsidies should be given to the construction. This greatly influenced the construction of the Pyeongwon Railroad Line and the establishment and licensing of private railroad companies. But then, Japan fell to the state of economic panic. In the aftermath of the situation, the industrial development of Chosun was delayed again. After facing the resistance of the people of Chosun, especially, the 3·1 Independence Movement, the Japanese government-general in Chosun invested more budgets to set stronger fundamentals for the sustainable ruling of the colony. The association discussed a possible measure against the delay or suspension of Chosun`s industrial development brought by the post-war economic panic of Japan and the 3·1 Independence Movement, and insisted the rapid construction of railroad networks around Chosun. In addition, it requested the Janapese colonial government to take a policy to fundamental solve problems related to the colonial industrial development. This led to the establishment of the Industrial Research Committee. The meeting of the committee formed a consensus that railroad networks should be built up throughout Chosun as earliest as possible, and the Japanese government-general in Chosun started a preliminary survey for the network construction. But in fact, the Japanese colonial government devoted itself more to the stable ruling and public order maintenance of Chosun and implementing its plan for increasing rice production for the mainland Japan. This made more stagnated Chosun`s industrial development, requested by the association, rather than promoting it. The association couldn`t wait for the Japanese colonial government`s railroad construction plan any longer, so it made another railroad construction plan of its own. Seeking towards the industrial development of Chosun, the association consulted with the Japanese government-general in Chosun and Chosun Association of Private Railroads and finally established `the 10 Years` Plan of Railroad Construction(鐵道敷設 10改年計劃)` as the first of `the 4 main principles(4大要項)` of the colonial industrial development. According to the plan, two south-north railroads, the Gyeongbu·Gyeongeui(double track) and the East Sea Railroad Lines and two east-south railroads, the Pyeongwon and the Gyeongreung Railroad Lines were scheduled to be constructed. Despite `the Dongsang Movement(東上運動)` was actively driven, `the 10 Years` Plan of Railroad Construction` by the association failed to be properly implemented because of the Japanese government`s budget cuts and Kanto Earthquake Disaster. Since then, however, the association put its focus on a few railroads that was most urgently needed according to `the 4 main principles` as above mentioned. Later, positive, consistent political activities by the association contributed to establishing `the 12 Years` Plan of Railroad Construction(朝鮮鐵道 12年計劃)` and considerably completing railroad networks of Chosun which had been driven by the organization.

일제시기 만주 개념의 역사성과 부정성

전성현 ( Sung Hyun Jeon ) 동아대학교 석당학술원 2010 석당논총 Vol.0 No.47

In process of colonialization, Chosun people were continued to unavoidably emigrate to Manchuria, so ideas of colonial intellectual were taken concrete shape surrounding Manchuria. First, Manchuria that realized a national place of exile to a vast wilderness as mere geographical term, begun to imaginative regard as Chosun. In such process, national perspective, regarding Manchuria as chosun`s territory in expanded Imaginary identification, begun to taken place. Meanwhile, in Manchuria national conflict begun to regard Manchuria as Chosun where was a place of national ordeal. Especially, such perspective was expanded for Manbosan affair(萬寶山事件). so the concept of Manchuria was fixed to regard Manchuria as Chosun where was a place of national ordeal. Chosun residents in Manchuria was at center of such conceptualization. But, in September, 1931 the Manchurian Incident and establishment of Manchukuo shifted from existing image of the concept of Manchuria to something else. There was utopian perspective toward civilization and pioneer. There has much of aspect conception be inspire real than real aspect. Therefore, gradually internalized colonialism, intellectuals begun to be strongly show imperialism perspective, and had stand for capitalist in front. In this point, Chosun residents in Manchuria who had performed a cental role of conceptualization, were excluded from discussion. Once again, there was achieved the change of the concept surrounding Manchuria. Particularly, into a whirlpool of war about 1940, there were shown another change of the concep to think of Manchuria in internationalism aspect, not nationalism and imperialism aspect. Above all, National concord that has purposed to make Manchuria to Heaven of Righteous government, don`t only restrictive but also ingenuous idea. But it was meaning in intellectuals of colonial Chosun that was not only maintained nation but also be could changed ideology to internationalism through cooperation and collaboration with nation. Especially, it was that emphasis on autonomism, if it was embodied autonomy of five nations, cooperation and collaboration between nations were possible to change to internationalism.

일제하 조선 상업회의소의 산업개발 자금을 둘러싼 정치활동

전성현 ( Sung Hyun Jeon ) 동아대학교 석당학술원 2009 석당논총 Vol.0 No.45

Industry development in Chosun was top task to carry out for efficient control of the Japanese Government-General of Chosun. But, it had not established active development plan and carried out, because of lack of independent budget and passive budget allocation of Japanese government. In Chosun capitalists, especially Japanese capitalists, had not remained idle development of Chosun that brought economical growth and fund expansion of themselves. They argued to established active development plan and to carried out through Local Chamber of Commerce and organized associations according to the Ordinances of Chosun Chamber of Commerce. But, industry development plan of Chosun was still fat off for problems of budget and so on. So, they made `the forth main principle` of industry development and developed political activity that ask economic and political circles in Japan and the Japanese Government-General of Chosun for achieving it. And Chosun Chamber of Commerce made an effort for insurance of necessary fund to industry development in sense of crisis that then already running development work doesn`t progress since Great Kanto earthquake and reduced budget of Japanese government. These political activitics wasn`t stopped simply to support of the Japanese Government-General of Chosun in outer that. especially, it was developed political movement for practice of the right of petition since fully realiged the necessity of members of paricementary committee. In this way, in Chosun Japanese centering around Chosun Chamber of Commerce represented `the will of the Chosun people` and begun to forward more and more assertive demand and assertion of themselves to political and economical circles. In consequence, the Japanese Government-General of Chosun stopped passive compilation of the budget to coincide in reduced budget of Japanese government and could be to promote aggressively budget for Chosun development. This concrete policy was two great industry policy, divided it into rice products and railroad, based on `industry-first policy`. Moreover, Japanese government admitted exception of Chosun, and pass necessary budget to recognize kind of colony policy along with aggressively budget of the Japanese Government-General of Chosun.

전시체제기 학교 대(隊)조직의 변화와 집단 노동력 동원 -조선총독부의 학생동원정책을 중심으로-

전성현 ( Sung Hyun Jeon ) 동아대학교 석당학술원 2015 석당논총 Vol.0 No.62

In 1938, students began to be mobilized through “School Labor Patriotism Corps.” In 1941, it became “School Federation Labor Patriotism Corps” according to the formation of National Total Chosun Federation and admission of School Federation. It was soon converted into “National Labor Patriotism Corps”(including only grade schools) according to the Ordinance on National Labor Patriotism and Collaboration. The Japanese Government-General of Korea formed School Total Corps in secondary schools or higher educational institutions along the order system of Japanese Government-General of Korea - provinces - schools in order to mobilize the students directly and do military training through military force mobilization. Students in grade and secondary schools were mobilized for their labor force through Labor Patriotism Corps and School Total Corps, respectively, since then. In 1943, the ruling Japanese started to utilize the old School Total Corps in preliminary works for military force mobilization for military education as well as national mobilization works through many emergency measures for wartime mobilization. They converged into Student Labor Law with the fleet organizations unified into School Patriotism Corps including grade schools and school faculties. It was later converted into Student Corps, a semi-military organization with an emphasis on air defence and national defence, to allow for even military force mobilization after the proclamation of Wartime Educational Ordinance in 1945. The students eligible for mobilization were third graders or older in secondary school in 1938, and the mobilization criteria for students expanded to fourth graders in grade school or older in 1941 and entire grade schools in 1945. The duration of mobilization was ten days during summer vacation per year in 1938 and expanded to spot mobilization of 30 days or less per year in 1941. As the Ordinance on National Labor Patriotism and Collaboration was revised in 1943, the duration of mobilization was further expanded to 60 days per year and then four months per year according to the emergency wartime measure on education. In 1944, students were to be mobilized anytime throughout the year and eventually subjected to full-scale mobilization throughout the year.